Last week, a federal court struck down President Biden’s border enforcement rule, known as the Circumvention of Normal Pathways rule. The decision jeopardizes “the administration’s strictest deterrence measure to date and comes as illegal border crossings have plunged to their lowest level since President Joe Biden’s first full month in office.”
Today, we’ll discuss the Biden Administration’s rule, why a judge found that the rule is illegal, and the practical and political implications of the court’s ruling. (more…)
They say that time wounds all heels. In the case of President Trump’s immigration advisors–who implemented racist and anti-Muslim policies, separated parents from children, and generally tried to destroy due process of law in our immigration system–that old saw is largely dis-proven, at least for most of the people we’ve managed to track down. A year and half after Mr. Trump left office, many of his senior advisors seem to be doing just fine. Some have retired. Others have moved on to (seemingly) lucrative employment in high-level private sector positions. Here, we’ll catch up with a few of our old friends from the prior Administration, and find out: Where are they now? (more…)
It’s been more than 100 days since President Biden took office, and I have to say, I don’t think my clients or my fellow lawyers are feeling a whole lot better about the U.S. immigration system. This gut feeling is now backed up by data, thanks to a new report from the American Immigration Council (“AIC”), which shows the slow pace of improvement at USCIS.
As you may recall, the Trump Administration spent four years trying to dismantle the U.S. immigration system. And while certain immigrants (from Norway, for example) were theoretically welcome, most were not. The Administration never managed to amend the immigration law, but it did implement a number of rule-making, personnel, and policy changes designed to block non-citizens from obtaining legal status in our country.
For asylum seekers, these changes included making it more difficult and much slower to obtain a work permit, rejecting asylum applications for nonsensical reasons, focusing resources on fraud rather than adjudication, lengthening the Green Card process for asylees, and dramatically slowing the follow-to-join process for overseas family members of people granted asylum. The Administration made other changes that increased the backlogs in Immigration Court (where we recently passed 1.3 million pending cases) and the Asylum Office (386,000+ pending cases). Also, overall processing times at USCIS increased by 61% between FY2016 and FY2020. On top of the bureaucratic barriers, Mr. Trump’s Attorneys General issued decisions narrowly interpreting the asylum law, thus making it more difficult for applicants to obtain protection. (more…)
A whistleblower named Brian Murphy recently got attention for his claim that DHS officials ordered him to stop investigating Russian interference in the 2020 election. Until he was demoted a few months ago, Mr. Murphy ran the DHS Office of Intelligence and Analysis (“DHS I&A”).
In the same complaint, Mr. Murphy also alleges that Acting USCIS Director Ken Cuccinelli ordered him to alter intelligence reports to downplay violence and corruption in Central America. These reports are used to evaluate asylum claims and by downplaying the violence, it would be more difficult for asylum seekers to win their cases. From page 9 of the complaint–
In December 2019, Mr. Murphy attended a meeting with Messrs. Cuccinelli and Glawe to discuss intelligence reports regarding conditions in Guatemala, Honduras, and El Salvador. The intelligence reports were designed to help asylum officers render better determinations regarding their legal standards. Mr. Murphy’s team at DHS I&A completed the intelligence reports and he presented them to Mr. Cuccinelli in the meeting. Mr. Murphy defended the work in the reports, but Mr. Cuccinelli stated he wanted changes to the information outlining high levels of corruption, violence, and poor economic conditions in the three respective countries. Mr. Cuccinelli expressed frustration with the intelligence reports, and he accused unknown “deep state intelligence analysts” of compiling the intelligence information to undermine President Donald J. Trump’s (“President Trump”) policy objectives with respect to asylum. Notwithstanding Mr. Murphy’s response that the intelligence reports’ assessments were consistent with past assessments made for several years, Mr. Cuccinelli ordered Messrs. Murphy and Glawe to identify the names of the “deep state” individuals who compiled the intelligence reports and to either fire or reassign them immediately.
Mr. Murphy refused to comply with this order, which he deemed illegal. What to make of this?
Looked at this way, the Trump Administration’s policies make a lot more sense.
The first question is whether Mr. Murphy’s claims can be trusted. Here, there may be some reasons for doubt: Mr. Murphy has himself been accused of altering intelligence reports to better align with the Administration’s agenda, and he has also been accused of compiling intelligence reports on journalists at the Portland, Oregon protests (allegations he denies). After this information became public, Mr. Murphy was demoted, and so there is some speculation that perhaps his whistleblower complaint was made in retaliation for the demotion. On the other hand, Mr. Murphy apparently raised many of the issues listed in the complaint well before his demotion. Also, given that the allegations raised in the complaint are largely knowable (since others beside Mr. Murphy witnessed the events in the complaint and can confirm or deny their veracity), it seems unlikely that Mr. Murphy would simply make this stuff up. But of course, I do not know for sure.
Mr. Murphy’s credibility aside, this would not be the first instance of the Trump Administration altering country condition reports to better serve its agenda. In 2018, the State Department issued reports for El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras that left out significant derogatory information about those countries. The bowdlerization of those reports was no secret–all you have to do is compare the previous year’s reports to the newer reports to see what has been removed. And so there is clear precedent for what Mr. Murphy is alleging.
All things considered, my sense is that Mr. Murphy’s allegations are probably accurate. If so, what then do we make of Mr. Cuccinelli, the Acting Director of USCIS?
Here, there are two points I want to discuss. First is Mr. Cuccinelli’s desire to alter the reports in order to downplay the “corruption, violence, and poor economic conditions” in the three countries. Since asylum adjudicators rely on these reports to reach their decisions, making the countries seem less bad will potentially make it harder to win asylum. I say “potentially” because there are plenty of other sources of information that give an accurate picture of country conditions in the Northern Triangle. And so if the asylum applicant submits evidence about country conditions or if the adjudicator has such evidence, white-washing the DHS reports may not make much difference in the decision.
But there is a more concerning element to Mr. Cuccinelli’s request vis-a-vis these countries: Either he really believes that the DHS intelligence analysts are lying, or he (Mr. Cuccinelli) wants the U.S. government to lie in order to better achieve the Administration’s goal of denying more asylum cases. Neither possibility is comforting.
If we rely on Mr. Murphy’s account, it seems that Mr. Cuccinelli actually thinks that “deep state intelligence analysts” are somehow undermining Mr. Trump’s asylum agenda. Given that there are many sources for information about the Northern Triangle, including newspapers, human rights reports, and previous years’ intelligence assessments, and all seem to confirm the dire situation in Central America, it is hard to believe that a rational person would find anything nefarious about the picture painted by the DHS I&A reports. Does Mr. Cuccinelli believe that all the various sources are part of the “deep state”? It’s strange, since Mr. Cuccinelli is a lawyer and should know how to evaluate evidence. If Mr. Cuccinelli really believes that a group of deep state agents is sabotaging the country reports, it seems to me that he is living in an alternate reality, and that his confirmation bias is so overpowering that he can’t accept the real world for what it is. I suppose this is a possibility, as he also denies the existence of man-made climate change, which requires a certain level of detachment from reality.
The other possible explanation is that Mr. Cuccinelli knows that the situation in the Northern Triangle is bad, but that he is simply lying in order to make it more difficult for applicants from those countries to obtain asylum. In other words, that the “means” of lying and returning migrants to face persecution is justified by the “ends” of keeping asylum seekers out of our country.
Unfortunately, the situation described in Mr. Murphy’s whistleblower complaint is emblematic of the Trump Administration, which has repeatedly used falsehoods to justify its policies. Whether it engages in those falsehoods knowing them to be false, or believing them to be true, probably doesn’t much matter. Either way, they are doing great harm to our democracy and to many of our nation’s most vulnerable people.
As you’ve probably heard, the Republican Party has not adopted a new platform for 2020. Instead, they resolved that the “Republican Party has and will continue to enthusiastically support the President’s America-first agenda.” I find this frightening.
The whole point of a platform is to get together (perhaps virtually) to discuss/debate the party’s priorities and then reach some consensus about how to proceed during the next four years. But now–in spite of significant new problems facing our country–the Republican Party has decided to simply defer to President Trump and stick with their 2016 platform. If you’re interested, I already wrote about the 2016 platform. In 2016. That an entire party, diverse in its opinions (if not its ethnic make-up), would take a pass on setting its goals, and instead agree simply to follow the leader, is deeply undemocratic.
That said, at least in terms of asylum seekers and refugees, we have a pretty good idea about what a second Trump Administration would do: Close the doors to America by every means at its disposal, including trampling due process of law (which endangers us all) and lying about the reasons why asylum seekers and refugees come here, who they are, and what they do once they get here (and of course, this never-ending mendacity also endangers us all).
Republican proposals include using a heat weapon to deter migrants.
So we have a general idea about what the Republicans would do with a second term, but what about specifics? Since the Republican Party itself won’t tell us its proposals related to asylum seekers and refugees, the intrepid reporters here at the Asylumist have scoured the internet to find out exactly what Mr. Trump has in mind if he is re-elected. Here is what we found–
The border patrol will deploy a heat ray weapon, which produces “agonizing pain” to those caught in its line of fire. The idea is that migrants caught in the device’s ray will turn back to Mexico before they become burnt toast.
ICE will continue to arrest thousands of non-citizen, thus demonstrating that it is more important to detain “illegals” in overcrowded, coronavirus-infected prisons, than to worry about public health. This also has the benefit of enriching the private-prison companies that hold immigrant detainees. In turn, those companies use their money to help bankroll President Trump’s re-election campaign. So it’s a win-win-win!
Since Mexico hasn’t paid for a wall (yet), Trump supporters have raised private funds through a group called “We Build the Wall,” which raked in $25 million from private donors who wanted to put their money where their hate is. How much wall they’ve actually built is anyone’s guess, but a number of the organization’s leaders–including ex-Trump aid Stephen Bannon–did manage to get themselves indicted for fraud. Despite this small hiccup, perhaps we can expect private funding of the border wall to continue under another Trump term.
During his first campaign, Mr. Trump famously opined that asylum seekers are bringing crime and drugs, and that they are rapists. “Some, I assume, are good people,” he said. But since most migrants are not good people, we have to continually treat them with suspicion. In that spirit, the Trump Administration wants to collect much more biometric evidence from non-citizens, including DNA samples. So essentially, immigrants will be forced to live in a surveillance state until they become citizens.
President Trump has gone back and forth about what to do for/to DACA recipients (people who came to the U.S. as children but who do not have status here). Recently, he proposed “taking care of people from DACA in a very Republican way.” Given how the Trump Administration has treated migrant children, asylum seekers fleeing gangs and domestic violence, and Muslims, the idea of being treated in a “very Republican way” does not seem all that appealing.
It’s unfortunate that we don’t have specifics from the Republicans about their immigration goals for the next four years. When a political party puts their proposals in writing, at least it requires members of the party to think through their plans, and it gives the public a clearer idea about what they hope to accomplish.
In the absence of a platform, we are left to speculate. And given the Trump Administration’s track record on asylum, refugees, and immigration, it seems unlikely that we can expect anything positive from them during a second term.
Horace Walpole famously observed that the world is a comedy to those who think, and a tragedy to those who feel. That about sums up my view of the Trump Administration’s immigration policies: They are so ludicrous and so removed from reality that they would be funny if it weren’t for the fact that people are dying. The most recent proposed regulation neatly fits into this dichotomy; it is as absurd as it is harmful.
Using the pandemic as an excuse, the Administration proposes expanding an existing bar–applicable to aliens deemed a “danger to the security of the United States”–to deny asylum to “aliens who potentially risk bringing in deadly infectious disease to, or facilitating its spread within, the United States.” As usual, the main targets of this latest policy are aliens seeking asylum at the Southern border, but other applicants might be effected as well. Also, unlike some of the prior bans, this one specifically targets non-citizens seeking protection under the United Nations Convention Against Torture.
Let’s start with the law. Under the Immigration and Nationality Act (“INA”), there are several “bars” to obtaining asylum. These bars prohibit granting asylum to aliens who (1) “ordered, incited, assisted, or otherwise participated” in the persecution of others on account of a protected ground; (2) were convicted of a “particularly serious crime”; (3) committed a “serious nonpolitical crime outside the United States”; (4) are a “danger to the security of the United States”; (5) are involved in terrorist-related activities; or (6) were “firmly resettled in another country prior to arriving in the United States.”
Gesundheit! That’s German for “Asylum Denied.”
Do you notice anything about these different bars? Except for number 6, they all involve people doing bad things. While “danger to the security of the United States” could theoretically be interpreted to include sick people, when considered in relation to the other bars, that interpretation doesn’t make a lot of sense. Indeed, there is a principle of statutory construction called ejusdem generis, which basically says that when you have a list that contains a vague term, you should interpret that term consistent with other items on the list. The BIA famously invoked ejusdem generis (and called it a “well-established doctrine”) in Matter of Acosta, when it interpreted the meaning of particular social group. So it seems more than a small stretch for the Trump Administration to define “danger to the security of the United States” in such broad terms, and we can hold out some hope that this provision will be struck down because it violates the INA (and, by the way, the proposed regulation invokes similar logic to try to block people from obtaining Withholding of Removal).
Assuming the new rule goes into effect, what constitutes a danger to security? According to the proposed regulation, “In determining whether there are reasonable grounds for regarding an alien or a class of aliens as a danger to the security of the United States… the Secretary of Homeland Security may consider whether the alien exhibits symptoms consistent with being afflicted with any contagious or infectious disease or has come into contact with such disease, or whether the alien or class of aliens is coming from a country, or a political subdivision or region of that country, or has embarked at a place, where such disease is prevalent or epidemic.” So if an alien seems sick, or if she traveled through an area that the U.S. government believes contains an epidemic, she will be barred from asylum. Worse, this regulation gives the government the power to bar a “class of aliens” from asylum. Presumably, that would be aliens from a particular country, or who passed through a particular area.
While this rule applies to all asylum seekers, I suspect that if it is implemented, it will mostly affect those who arrive at the border (or an airport) and request protection. Such aliens undergo a credible fear interview (an initial evaluation of asylum eligibility). If the alien “passes” the credible fear interview, he can present his claim to an Immigration Judge, who then grants asylum, some other relief, or orders the person deported. Up until now, the asylum bars did not apply to credible fear interviews. However, under the proposed regulation, an alien subject to a bar would “fail” the credible fear interview and likely be deported. This means that if an alien comes from, or passes through, an area where an epidemic is prevalent, or if she appears sick, her request for protection in the U.S. will be automatically rejected.
Let’s think about this for a moment. Under this new rule, if a person was imprisoned, beaten and raped due to her political opinion, and then she escapes her country, she will be denied protection in the United States and sent home simply because she traveled through an area that is experiencing an epidemic. Even if she herself is not sick! How nice.
One last element of this proposed regulation that I want to discuss is the rule related to Convention Against Torture (“CAT”) relief. Under the CAT, the U.S. cannot return a person to a country where he will be tortured. There are essentially no exceptions to this rule. But the proposed regulation seeks to change this–
If the alien makes this showing [that he is more likely than not to suffer torture in the home country], then DHS can choose in its discretion to place the alien in [Immigration Court] proceedings… or return the alien to a third country under appropriate standards.
In other words, when the alien arrives at the border to request protection, she must show that it is “more likely than not” that she will be tortured in the home country. This is a very high standard of proof for someone just arriving in the U.S. who likely does not understand the asylum system or have access to a legal counsel. Further, even if the alien somehow manages to demonstrate that she will be tortured in the home country, DHS can simply choose to send her to a third country (and this can happen–the Trump Administration has bullied or convinced Guatemala to accept some asylum seekers). Basically, we get to wash our hand of our responsibility to protect torture survivors.
The only saving grace here is that this regulation is so poorly thought out that it is susceptible to a court challenge. Also, it seems to me that there is a much easier way to determine whether an asylum seeker is a “danger to the security of the United States” due to disease: Give him a test for that disease. If he is negative, there is no reason to bar him from asylum. If he is positive, maybe–I don’t know, this may sound crazy–help him get better. Treating human beings humanely. Sadly, it’s a novel concept in Trump’s America.
Let’s say I give you a million dollars (which I can easily do, given my lucrative earnings as an asylum lawyer). Let’s also say I put that money on the moon. Even though its yours, you can’t get it, and so it won’t do you any good. That’s basically what the Trump Administration is trying to do with asylum.
Under U.S. law, non-citizens in our country have a right to seek asylum. But that right is meaningless unless applicants have the means to live here during the lengthy asylum process. On August 25, 2020, the Trump Administration plans to implement a new regulation, which denies Employment Authorization Documents (“EADs”) to some asylum applicants and delays the issuance of EADs to everyone else. The pretextual (lawyer-speak for bullshit) reason for the new rule is to prevent fraud. The real reason is to deter people from seeking asylum in the United States. Here, we’ll discuss the major provisions in this new regulation.
The first major change is the waiting period for an EAD. Until now, the regulations allowed asylum seekers to file their EAD application (form I-765) 150 days after their asylum application (form I-589) was received. Processing the I-765 usually took a few months, and so most asylum seekers would have their EAD card in hand within seven or eight months of filing for asylum. Under the new rule, asylum applicants must wait 365 days before filing for their EAD, and then wait a few more months for processing. This means that most applicants probably won’t have their EAD until at least 14 months after submitting the I-589. This new rule seems to apply to everyone who files for an EAD on or after August 25, 2020, even people who filed for asylum before that date. So if you are eligible for the initial EAD prior to August 25, you should file before that date. Otherwise, you will face an additional six months (or more) of delay.
No EAD? No problem. You can live off your trust account until you receive asylum.
The second major change is that people who file for asylum on or after August 25, 2020, and whose asylum application was not filed within one year of arriving in the United States, will be ineligible for an EAD “unless and until the asylum officer or immigration judge determines that the applicant meets an exception for late filing” or unless the applicant is an unaccompanied child. Sine the one-year bar will usually not be adjudicated until the asylum case is adjudicated, this new rule effectively means that people who do not file for asylum within one year of arriving in the country will not get an EAD. Again, this provision applies only to people who file for asylum on or after August 25, 2020. Also, even if you clearly meet an exception to the one-year rule, you would not be eligible for an EAD if you were in the U.S. for more than one year before filing for asylum (examples of people who are ineligible for an EAD include those who have maintained lawful status during their entire stay in the U.S. before filing, and people who decide to seek asylum after circumstances in the home country changed, causing them to fear return).
Third, applicants who “entered or attempted to enter the United States at a place and time other than lawfully through a U.S. port of entry on or after August 25, 2020” are not eligible for an EAD. There are rare exceptions enumerated in the rule, but for the most part, people who enter the U.S. unlawfully and file for asylum will be barred from obtaining an EAD.
Fourth, it seems that people who move before they get an EAD are considered to have “delayed” their case if the move transfers their case to a different Asylum Office. They thus become ineligible for an EAD (“Delay” includes “A request to transfer a case to a new asylum office or interview location, including when the transfer is based on a new address”). For this reason, you should try not to move out of your Asylum Office’s jurisdiction from the time of filing until you get the EAD (you can see your office’s jurisdiction here).
Also, previously, asylum seekers who were paroled into the United States after “passing” a credible fear interview were eligible for an EAD based on category c-11. The new rule eliminates this basis of EAD eligibility, though such parolees could still apply for asylum and then file for an EAD after the 365-day waiting period.
Other provisions of the new rule basically codify existing practice. For instance, people who cause delay in their asylum cases and people who have criminal issues will likely be denied an EAD.
The new EAD rules are particularly damaging when considered along side another proposed rule, which would deny asylum to people who work unlawfully and fail to pay taxes. The combined effect of these new regulations will be that asylum seekers are either forced to work illegally, thus jeopardizing their asylum claims, or they are forced to find some way of surviving in the U.S. for 1+ years without the ability to earn money.
On the positive side (and these days, we sorely need positive news), people who have EADs can continue to renew them in two-year increments, even if their asylum case is referred to Immigration Court or if they lose their case in court and appeal to the Board of Immigration Appeals.
Given these changes, if you are planning to file for asylum and you entered unlawfully or have a one-year bar issue, you should file before August 25, 2020, when these rules are scheduled to go into effect. Also, if you are planning to seek asylum, you should file your application within one year of arriving in the United States, even if you would qualify for an exception to the one-year bar (again, to be clear, you can still overcome the one-year bar and receive asylum, but you will not receive an EAD while you are waiting for a decision in your case).
One remaining question is whether these new regulations might be blocked by a federal court. I suspect that there will be a court challenge to the rules. If such a challenge succeeds, my guess is that it will succeed on procedural grounds–in other words, that the Trump Administration failed to adequately justify the new rule (this is the basic reason that the Administration’s efforts to end DACA failed). Asylum seekers have no right to an EAD. See INA § 208(d)(2). However, given that it is impossible to obtain asylum unless you have the ability to survive in this country during the pendency of your case, there may be a basis to challenge this new rule. Let’s hope so.
As you probably know, the Trump Administration recently proposed regulations to make it much more difficult to obtain asylum in the United States. That’s the bad news. The good news is that there is something you can do to try to reduce the damage: Submit a comment opposing the regulation. Submitting a comment is easy, free, and safe, even for people with no lawful status in the U.S. You can do it from the comfort of your own home. Right now. And best of all, it really can help. Here, we’ll talk about how to submit an effective comment.
Before we get to that, let’s talk a bit about the proposed regulation, which you can see here. The purpose of this regulation (and every regulation) is to interpret the law, as created by Congress. Regulations are created by government agencies (in our case, by the Department of Justice, Executive Office for Immigration Review) because agencies have specialized knowledge about how to implement (or in our case, subvert) the law. The regulations cannot violate the law or they will be invalidated by courts. Also, regulations cannot be “arbitrary and capricious,” meaning the agency must provide a rational reason for the regulation. While there is a lot of bad stuff in the proposed regulation, I wanted to focus here on the points that people might be most interested to comment about–
The definition of “particular social group” is narrowed, so that it is more difficult to get asylum if you fear harm from gang members or criminals, or based on domestic violence or an interpersonal dispute
The definition of “political opinion” is narrowed to exclude people who have a generalized opposition to criminals or terrorists
The level of harm required to demonstrate “persecution” is increased, and so asylum applicants will need to show a “severe level of harm”
The categories of people eligible for asylum are reduced, and people who fear persecution on account of “gender” are excluded from asylum
The new rule encourages decision-makers to deny otherwise-eligible applicants based on “discretion” and lists several “significant adverse discretionary factors,” including–
unlawful entry into the U.S. or use of fraudulent documents
the failure to seek protection in any third country the alien “transited” through, unless that country denied protection to the alien, the alien was a victim of human trafficking or the country was not a party to the Refugee Convention of 1951, the Protocol of 1967 or the United Nations Convention Against Torture
remained unlawfully in the U.S. for more than one year before seeking asylum
failed to file or pay taxes, if required
failed to report income to the IRS (i.e., worked without authorization and did not pay tax – this one will be a particular problem if the plan to delay and deny work permits for asylum seekers goes into effect)
Otherwise-eligible applicants will be denied asylum as a matter of discretion where they spent more than 14 days in a third country before coming to the U.S. or where they transited through more than one third country before coming to the U.S. (there are some exceptions to this rule, similar to those listed for the prior bullet point about “transit” through a third country)
Applicants will be denied asylum where they “either resided or could have resided in any permanent legal immigration status or any non-permanent, potentially indefinitely renewable legal immigration status… in a country through which the alien transited prior to arriving in or entering the United States, regardless of whether the alien applied for or was offered such status”
Torture Convention relief is not available where the torturer is a “rogue” official
Finally, it is not clear, but as the regulations are written, they could be applied to people who already have asylum cases pending. Obviously, this would be unfair, as it would punish applicants for choices they made years ago (if the rules are applied retroactively, they might very well be blocked by a legal challenge)
Other significant adverse discretionary factors include filing for asylum, fearing persecution, and not being an American citizen.
If there are things here you don’t like, you can comment about them. How to do that?
First, go to this web page, where the proposed regulations are posted. If you look in the upper right part of the page, you will see a dark blue box that says “Comment Now!” Click on that, and you will be taken to a page where you can type your comment. If you want to be fancy, you can even attach files to your comment. You also have to type a name. You can type your own name, but you can also write “anonymous.” The name you type will be included when the comment is posted publicly. There is an option to include your contact information, but this information will not be displayed publicly. Once you are done, check the box indicating that you “read and understand” your statement and hit “Submit Comment.” That’s it. Easy peasy.
While you are on the regulation web page, you can look to see what other people wrote (on the right side of the page). When I last checked, there were more than 1,300 comments.
What should you say?
It is best to write an individualized statement, rather than use a pre-made template. If you are an asylum applicant, maybe think about any parts of the new regulation that might harm you and explain how you will be harmed. You might also write about why you chose to seek asylum in the U.S. (if, indeed, you had a choice) and what is your impression of the U.S. asylum system. Remember, as an asylum applicant, you have something important to say and your voice should be part of this conversation. One important point: All comments must be submitted prior to 11:59 PM Eastern time on July 15, 2020. Also, if you post a comment, and you don’t mind, please copy and paste what you write into the comments section of this blog (below).
If you’d like some additional advice about what to write, check out these postings by Tahirih Justice Center and the American Immigration Lawyers Association (AILA), or just read the comments already posted on the regulation. The federal government also provides general, but helpful, advice about writing a comment.
Finally, you might ask, Does posting a comment matter?
Apparently, it does. According to AILA, “The administration will review and address those comments before the rule becomes finalized, so it is critical for us to submit as many unique comments as possible.” More comments = a longer review process. This will buy more time before these draconian new rules are implemented. Also, the “government gives more weight to each comment if it is unique from others,” and so it is important to personalize your submission.
Since its inception, the Trump Administration has been waging war against the rule of law in our country. Immigrants and asylum seekers have always been the first target in this war, but they are far from the only target. In this particular battle, asylum seekers have a crucial role to play, and so I hope you will consider making a comment in opposition to the proposed regulations. Together, we can protect our asylum system and our country.
[Updates to this post will appear at the bottom of the article]
There is an overwhelming amount of bad news these days. You’ve probably heard about the coronavirus pandemic and the upheavals caused by racial injustice, but in the last couple weeks, there has also been a flurry of bad news in immigration-world. We could spend months dissecting all that has happened, but here I just want to alert you to the highlights (or low-lights) of recent developments. Without further ado, then, let’s get this over with–
(1) The Administration has proposed sweeping new regulations that would dramatically impact asylum seekers. The main targets of these changes are (as usual) asylum seekers from Central America and Mexico–people fleeing gang violence and domestic violence–and people arriving at the Southern border and requesting asylum. But the proposed changes affect all asylum seekers. For an overview, see this brief article and this more detailed analysis, both by Aaron Reichlin-Melnick.
The new rule seeks to block asylum seekers who passed through a third country to reach the U.S., who failed to pay taxes or worked without authorization, and who have more than one year of unlawful presence in the United States. It also allows judges to “pretermit” (deny) asylum cases where the applicant has not set forth a prima facia case for asylum (this will be a particular problem for pro se applicants, who may not know how to articulate a valid claim). The regulation also narrows the definitions of “particular social group” and “political opinion” in order to more effectively block people who face violence from non-state actors. Further, the regulation raises the bar as to what constitutes “persecution” under the law, and encourages denying asylum based on discretion. Many of these rules are meant to affect people who have already filed for asylum, and could not have known about these burdensome new regulations when they asked for protection. While my take on all this is not quite as negative as that of Aaron Reichlin-Melnick (I don’t think everyone who passes through a third country will be barred), there is no question that, if implemented, these regulations will block many otherwise-eligible applicants from receiving asylum.
With all the bad news, I thought we could use a photo of a funny monkey. Take a moment to enjoy. And then keep fighting.
One last point: These regulations are not yet in effect. There is a 30-day comment period and the regulations would go into effect sometime after that, assuming they are not blocked by a court. In the mean time, you can submit comments here (use reference number “EOIR Docket No. 18-0002”). Apparently, if more people comment, it will help delay the implementation of the rule, so please consider submitting a comment.
(2) Due to a massive budget shortfall, USCIS is set to furlough over 70% of its workforce by the end of July. The agency claims that its financial problems are due to the coronavirus, but most observers (including me) believe that the main reason is the Trump Administration’s anti-immigration policies, which have blocked or discouraged many people from seeking immigration benefits. Since USCIS is 97% funded by user fees, the dramatic drop in applications has left the agency broke. It’s hard to imagine how cases will move forward if so many workers are laid off. This means we can expect even longer delays for work permits, green cards, naturalization, adoptions, work visas, and many other types of immigration benefits. Exactly which services will be effected, we do not yet know, but it appears that USCIS has already suspended processing of most green card applications. Worse, the departure of so many experienced employees will likely result in long-term damage to the agency.
USCIS publicly claimed that it requested $1.2 billion from Congress and that it would pay back the money by increasing user fees by 10% (on top of other proposed fee increases). However, as of last week, “the Trump administration had still not made a formal request for any emergency funding.” One knowledgeable USCIS employee I spoke with believes that the Administration has no intention to request the money or save the agency. She believes that destroying USCIS is part of the Administration’s plan to cripple our immigration system.
You can sign a change.org petition to demand that Congress fund USCIS, so it can continue its mission.
(3) An Office of the Inspector General report revealed that the Executive Office for Immigration Review (“EOIR”), the office that oversees the nation’s Immigration Courts, had substantially mismanaged its budget for FY 2019. The OIG investigation was initiated after EOIR Director James McHenry sent an email inaccurately characterizing the state of the agency’s budget. The report found that “EOIR leadership failed to coordinate effectively with its budget staff,” that the agency failed to anticipate the cost of court interpreters even though it had the necessary information to project those costs, and that “miscommunication across EOIR” led leadership to miscalculate its expenses. The National Association of Immigration Judges (the judges’ union) characterizes the situation at EOIR as follows–
The mismanagement uncovered by OIG in yesterday’s report is only the tip of the iceberg of persistent systemic and structural failures at EOIR. EOIR has failed to implement an electronic filing system, failed to properly hire judge teams as instructed by Congress, failed to secure adequate space to properly run the court and has persistently shuffled immigration judge dockets resulting in the unprecedented backlog of over 1 million immigration court cases.
The judges also reference a recent TRAC Immigration report, which indicates that data released by EOIR about grant rates in Immigration Court is “too unreliable to be meaningful.” TRAC notes that “EOIR’s apparent reckless deletion of potentially irretrievable court records raises urgent concerns that without immediate intervention the agency’s sloppy data management practices could undermine its ability to manage itself, thwart external efforts at oversight, and leave the public in the dark about essential government activities.”
(4) Speaking of EOIR, in a court-packing move that would make FDR blush, Director McHenry offered buyouts to nine BIA Board Members appointed prior to the Trump Administration. Though the agency denies it, this was a clear effort to further stack the Board with Members favorable to the Administration’s agenda. Indeed, the move follows an earlier decision to elevate six Immigration Judges with unusually high asylum denial rates to the Board of Immigration Appeals. For more on the politicization of the BIA, check out this posting by Judge Paul Schmidt, a former Chairman of the BIA with first-hand experience of an earlier purge at EOIR.
(5) We have been hearing news on our immigration lawyer list serves about a possible expansion of the non-immigrant visa suspension and an additional attack on asylum seekers. Nothing is known for sure, but it seems the Administration is planning to ban some non-immigrant visas (H-1b, H-2b, L-1, and certain J-1 visas) for a limited period, and to limit OPT for F-1 students. Also, we are hearing about the possible “rescission of employment authorization for asylees, refugees, and TPS holders that would face significant legal hurdles” (the quote is from my list serve; it is not an official announcement, and it is strange, as asylees and refugees are entitled to a work permit under the law). We do not yet know what this means, but my best guess is that the Administration will try to block EADs for asylum applicants (not asylees) who have a one-year bar issue.
(6) While this is not (yet) bad news, we are anticipating a decision in a Supreme Court case where the Trump Administration is attempting to end DACA (Deferred Action for Child Arrivals), the Obama-era program created to protect from deportation certain people who arrived in the U.S. as children. As many as 800,000 people could be effected. Given how the Court has ruled in past immigration cases, I’m not optimistic about the result, but we will have to wait and see. I’ve written about asylum for DACA recipients here, though the new proposed asylum rules would greatly reduce this already difficult option.
(7) Education Secretary Betsy DeVos issued a rule barring colleges from granting coronavirus relief funds to DACA students. While Secretary DeVos claims that she is simply following the law as written by Congress, it seems that the law could have been interpreted to help the DACA students (and a substantial number of Congress people have protested the Secretary’s move). Since the pattern of this Administration is to harm the weak and vulnerable, it’s not surprising that Secretary DeVos interpreted the law in a way to exclude these students. The Secretary’s decision is the subject of a lawsuit, and so we will see what the courts decide.
Oy vey, That is more than enough for now. We can hope that courts will block some of these rules, but we also need to work to prevent a second term for this Administration, which has consistently lied about and attacked non-citizens and other vulnerable people. En la lucha!
Update from 06/17/20
AILA [American Immigration Lawyer Association] has been in contact with USCIS, Hill staff, and reporters to obtain additional information on USCIS’s current guidance for the processing of adjustment of status applications. From what we have surmised, the hold on adjustment of status cases applies to cases that are pre-processed by the National Benefits Center before being sent to local USCIS field offices and specifically the following cases:
“I-485 interviews”; and
“I-485 interview waiver cases not already distributed”.
However, “emergent or sensitive” cases, such as those related to COVID-19, may be referred by officers to leadership to determine if the cases can move forward. It is also important to note that some adjustment cases are adjudicated by SCOPS (including for example, asylum, diversity visa, EB-4, T, U and VAWA cases).
Based on member reports, adjustment of status applications continue to be approved in instances where interviews have been waived. Therefore, the “hold” seems to be in reference to those cases that require in-person interviews before a final decision can be issued.
A hold on adjustment of status interviews could appear to be consistent with the information that USCIS has released concerning its phased reopening of in-person services. Although USCIS began reopening field offices for non-emergency services on June 4, 2020, the agency announced that “offices will reduce the number of appointments and interviews to ensure social distancing.” As local USCIS field offices begin reopening, USCIS has prioritized in-person services for naturalization oath ceremonies and naturalization interviews and continues to handle emergency services. AILA expects that as more social distancing protocols are lifted, USCIS should begin resuming other types of interviews and appointments.
However, given the hold on “interview waiver cases not already distributed” it seems to indicate that USCIS has stopped actively making interview waiver determinations and adjudicating those cases. Based on conflicting reports we have received it is unclear whether this is a temporary pause on interview cases or on all adjustment of status cases at field offices.
Update from 06/18/20
First, the good news – The Supreme Court, in a 5-4 decision, has blocked the Trump Administration from ending DACA, thus (for now) protecting hundreds of thousands of people. The basic reasoning is that the Administration failed to follow the proper procedures needed to end the program. In short, the Administration’s maliciousness was defeated by its incompetence. This is a fantastic decision, and it shows that it is possible to defeat the Administration, even in the Supreme Court.
The other news is that we are receiving more information about the Administration’s plan to block asylum seekers from obtaining a work permit. There is still nothing official, but reports indicate that people who entered the country without inspection or who filed for asylum more than one year after arrival will be blocked from receiving an EAD while their asylum case is pending. Again, this has not been implemented or even officially announced, so we will need to wait for the actual proposal.
Update from 06/19/20
New regulations, which will officially be published next week, basically signal that USCIS will be taking longer to adjudicate EADs for people with pending asylum cases. I will review these after they are published, but it seems unlikely to make a big difference, given how unpredictable processing times already are.
When the President issues an executive order, he first enlists experts to review the data and determine the exact nature of the problem. He then commissions a study to examine possible solutions and look at the pros and cons of each option. He carefully considers the law and takes into account dissenting points of view. His staff then crafts an order to achieve the desired ends, while avoiding as many negative externalities as possible.
I’m joking of course.
In the case of the new Executive Order, President Trump issued a late-night Tweet. Then, his staff, caught by surprise, scrambled to implement their boss’s vision and voila! An Executive Order was born.
America: Banning immigrants since 1882 (hows that working out for you?).
The new EO, issued yesterday evening, is based not on the Trumpian trope that immigrants bring disease. Rather, the order is justified based on the current economic crisis. Indeed, the title of the EO is Proclamation Suspending Entry of Immigrants Who Present Risk to the U.S. Labor Market During the Economic Recovery Following the COVID-19 Outbreak. This was probably a wise move, as we are now the epicenter of the pandemic, and so it would be difficult to justify keeping people out of our country due to health concerns. The economic justification, on the other hand, will be easier to defend (recall that under the Administrative Procedures Act, courts can block a regulation that is “arbitrary and capricious, an abuse of discretion, or otherwise not in accordance with the law”). While there is ample evidence that immigrants start more businesses than native born Americans and that 51% of start-ups worth $1 billion or more were founded by foreign-born entrepreneurs, there is some (less convincing) evidence that immigration depresses wages for certain groups, such as blue collar workers. But given the low threshold of the Administrative Procedures Act, this is probably enough of a justification for the EO to pass muster, particularly in the Supreme Court, which has been very deferential to the President’s authority vis-a-vis immigration.
So let’s talk about what the EO does and–more importantly–what it does not do.
First, who is blocked from obtaining a Green Card? As far as I can tell, the only people blocked from obtaining a Green Card are those who are currently overseas and who currently do not have a U.S. visa or other travel document. Essentially, this means that U.S. Embassies will stop issuing new travel documents for immigrants to come to the United States. For immigrants who already have their visa or travel document, they can still come to the U.S. Also, spouses and unmarried, under-21 year old children of U.S. citizens are excepted from the ban and can still immigrate to the United States. Other relatives, such as parents, siblings, and older children of citizens are blocked. Also blocked are family members of Green Card holders and most people seeking residency through employment. However, the ban does not apply to medical professionals and their immediate family members, EB-5 investors, adoptees, spouses and children of members of the military, aliens entering on a Special Immigrant Visa, and aliens whose admission is in the national interest or who are assisting a law enforcement investigation. In short, this is a fairly narrowly-tailored suspension of immigration, though for those people who are blocked, it will be difficult.
Second, how long does the “suspension” last? The EO indicates that it will remain in effect for 60 days. After that, depending on economic conditions, it could be extended.
Third, it is important to understand who is not affected by the EO. People seeking non-immigrant visas are not affected. Permanent residents (i.e., people who already have a Green Card) are not affected, whether they are currently in the U.S. or overseas. No one who is currently inside the United States is affected by the EO. This includes permanent residents, asylum seekers, asylees, refugees, and people applying for immigration benefits (inside the U.S.), such as a Green Card or asylum (one exception here might be people who wish to leave the U.S. and return using a provisional waiver). Also, the EO has no effect on Employment Authorization Documents (“EAD”) or on the right to seek humanitarian protection. Indeed, the EO specifically states–
Nothing in this proclamation shall be construed to limit the ability of an individual to seek asylum, refugee status, withholding of removal, or protection under the Convention Against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment, consistent with the laws of the United States.
Fourth, there are still parts of the EO that are not clear. One important question is whether I-730 beneficiaries are subject to the ban. Based on the above language, my sense is that they will not be affected, but I am not sure. Also, I am not sure about K-1 fiances, but since the K-1 is technically a non-immigrant visa, I expect that fiance-beneficiaries will not be affected. Finally, the biggest question is whether the ban will end in 60 days, or whether it will be extended if–as seems likely–the economic crisis persists. A 60-day suspension of immigrant visas will be manageable for most effected people. However, if the ban is extended, the harm to families and business will increase significantly.
Given that embassies are already mostly closed, numerous travel restrictions are already in place, and many flights are canceled, I’d venture that the new EO will have very little real-world impact. What then is the point?
On its face, the EO is meant to protect American workers from foreign-born competitors, but given all the exceptions to the ban, I doubt the order will result in a significant drop in immigration (beyond what we’ve already seen as a result of the world-wide shutdown). Thus, even if you buy into the proposition that immigrant labor has a negative impact on the job prospects for U.S. citizens, I do not see how the EO will protect many American workers.
If all this is correct, then the only remaining purpose of the EO is to frighten non-citizens and to delight nativists. Unfortunately, I suspect it will accomplish both of those goals. But to my immigrant friends, it is important to understand that for all its sound and fury, the Trump Administration has achieved little with this new Executive Order. Perhaps that fact can provide some level of comfort in these dark times.
In response to the pandemic, President Trump has Tweeted that he will “temporarily suspend immigration into the United States.” What does this mean? Does President Trump have the authority to suspend immigration into the country? Will the order affect people who are already here? How long will this “temporary” suspension last?
The answer to most of these questions is that we don’t yet know. While the President likes to announce policy changes on Twitter, the announcement should not be confused with the policy change. We will need to wait for the Executive Order to know the details of this plan. But speaking generally, it seems to me that the President probably does have the authority to suspend immigration during a health emergency. As my friend Alex Nowrasteh, Director of Immigration Studies at the Cato Institute, states, “Title 42 of the U.S. Code enables the president to halt immigration for health reasons, while a recent Supreme Court decision upholding his travel ban gives him unlimited authority on immigration.”
Since the U.S. has more cases than any other country, it obviously makes sense to block immigrants from coming here.
Also, the President has broad authority over immigration as set forth in the Immigration and Nationality Act. For instance, INA § 212(f) provides, “Whenever the President finds that the entry of any aliens or of any class of aliens into the United States would be detrimental to the interests of the United States, he may by proclamation, and for such period as he shall deem necessary, suspend the entry of all aliens or any class of aliens as immigrants or nonimmigrants, or impose on the entry of aliens any restrictions he may deem to be appropriate.” Another section, INA § 215(a) states, “Unless otherwise ordered by the President, it shall be unlawful… for any alien to depart from or enter or attempt to depart from or enter the United States except under such reasonable rules, regulations, and orders, and subject to such limitations and exceptions as the President may prescribe.” These sections are quite broad, and have not been tested in court, but given the Supreme Court’s position on immigration in recent cases, it seems likely that an order suspending immigration into the country during the pandemic would be upheld.
In practical terms, though, I am not sure what the suspension actually means. For one thing, immigration is effectively already suspended, given that U.S. Embassies are generally not issuing visas and most flights are canceled. Also, there are existing restrictions on travel from many countries, including China and the EU. So whether an executive order actually changes anything, I am not sure.
Finally, in terms of the unknowns, it is important to wait for the actual Executive Order. Once we have that, we can analyze the legality of the order and any practical effects. Speculating about what the order will say is not helpful, and will likely only result in unnecessary stress. The Trump Administration has been targeting immigrants from the get go, and so this is just one more effort in that direction. We do not know whether the order will impact people already in the U.S. who are seeking status (asylum seekers or applicants for permanent residency). We also do not know if it will affect people with pending applications or applications for work permits. We do not even know if the order will affect people seeking to enter the United States with a non-immigrant visa. Indeed, we know nothing except what was contained in one late-night Tweet.
The fact is, while the President has broad authority over immigration (especially given the deferential position of the Supreme Court), that authority is not unlimited. Under the Administrative Procedures Act, courts can block a regulation that is “arbitrary and capricious, an abuse of discretion, or otherwise not in accordance with the law.” So for example, while there may be a rational basis to prevent people from coming into the United States during the pandemic, it will be harder to justify denying asylum or a Green Card to people who are already here (aside from that, given the time frame for most applications, the pandemic may be long over before they are adjudicated).
In short, despite the President’s ominous Tweet, we need to remain calm. It’s unlikely to make any real difference in the short term, and when the pandemic eases, which it inevitably will, the justification for an order limiting immigration will be much weaker.
It is truly unfortunate that our President seems only to have one solution for every problem: Blame foreigners. In the mean time, our country has become the epicenter of the pandemic, with more cases and more deaths than any other nation. Yet another attack on noncitizens will not help our economy and will not keep us healthy. For now, we will have to wait to see what the Executive Order says, but regardless, we the people must continue to support each other and to stand together against the coronavirus and against the unjust attacks on our noncitizen neighbors.
The Trump Administration has been doing everything it can to block asylum seekers from reaching our shores (everything, that is, except working with Congress to reform the law). Many of the Administration’s policies are legally questionable (to put it mildly), and have been challenged in federal court. Now, in an extraordinary move, a union that represents Asylum Officers has filed an amicus brief opposing a policy of President Trump (their boss).
The Administration policy at issue is officially known as the Migrant Protection Protocols or MPP. It is also called the “Remain in Mexico” plan, and it requires many asylum seekers entering the United States from Mexico illegally or without proper documentation to be returned to Mexico for the duration of their immigration proceeding. As a result of the MPP, over 12,000 people have been forced to wait in Mexico while their cases are adjudicated in the U.S.
Acting USCIS Director Ken Cuccinelli responds to the question, “How many asylum seekers will be interviewed this year under the MPP?”
The problems with the MPP are too numerous to list here. But for starters, Mexico is not a safe place for many asylum seekers, especially women, children, and sexual and ethnic minorities. Another problem is that asylum applicants stuck in Mexico have less access to legal assistance and less due process of law. Of course, all this is by design, as the MPP is clearly meant to deter people from seeking asylum by punishing those who have the temerity to ask us for help.
Apparently, the MPP was also too much for many Asylum Officers, who are charged with evaluating asylum claims made by people arriving at our Southern border. Through their union, Local 1924, a group of Officers filed an “amicus” or “friend of the court” brief supporting a lawsuit that seeks to block the MPP. Amicus briefs must include a “statement of interest,” explaining why the filing party has an interest in the matter. Here is what Local 1924 had to say:
Local 1924 has a special interest in this case because, as the collective bargaining unit of federal government employees who are at the forefront of interviewing and adjudicating the claims of individuals seeking asylum in the United States, Local 1924’s members have first-hand knowledge as to whether the MPP assures the United States’ compliance with international and domestic laws concerning due process for asylum seekers and the protection of refugees and whether the MPP is necessary to deal with the flow of migrants through our Nation’s Southern Border.
There are two main reasons that Local 1924 objects to the MPP:
In the course of waiting [in Mexico] for a determination of their asylum applications, many [asylum seekers] will face persecution because of their race, religion, nationality, political opinion, or membership in a particular social group. By forcing a vulnerable population to return to a hostile territory where they are likely to face persecution, the MPP abandons our tradition of providing a safe haven to the persecuted and violates our international and domestic legal obligations.
Moreover, the MPP is entirely unnecessary, as our immigration system has the foundation and agility necessary to deal with the flow of migrants through our Southern Border. The system has been tested time and again, and it is fully capable—with additional resources where appropriate–of efficiently processing asylum claims… The MPP, contrary to the Administration’s claim, does nothing to streamline the process, but instead increases the burdens on our immigration courts and makes the system more inefficient.
In short, the officers charged with enforcing the asylum law at the Southern border think that the MPP violates the law and endangers people who our country is obliged (under international and domestic law) to protect.
Predictably, the Acting Director of USCIS (which oversees the Asylum Division), Ken Cuccinelli, issued a statement “blasting” the amicus brief:
Union leadership continues to play games while the border crisis intensifies. Lives are being lost, detention facilities are unsustainably overcrowded, and illegal aliens with frivolous claims continue to overwhelm our system. The fact of the matter remains that our officers signed up to protect the truly vulnerable, our asylum system, and most importantly, our country. A cheap political stunt helps no one and certainly does not help to contain this crisis.
In his statement, Mr. Cuccinelli fails to address any of the substantive claims raised in the amicus brief (shocking, I know). Instead, he falls back on the old talking point that frivolous asylum claims are somehow to blame for the crisis at the border. Of course, there is little evidence to support this position, but as a climate-change denier, Mr. Cuccinelli is obviously not beholden to concepts such as evidence or common sense (or common decency).
In my experience, most Asylum Officers take their jobs very seriously. They recognize their duty to uphold the asylum law and to grant or deny protection where appropriate. They also recognize their duty to protect the United States. This sense of responsibility to country stands in sharp contrast to the arrogance of the Trump Administration and the USCIS Acting Director, who seem to think they can run roughshod over our nation’s laws and force government employees to do the same. For this reason, I think the amicus brief is significant: It stands as an expression of independence of Asylum Officers (or at least those in Local 1924) to make decisions in accordance with the law, even when their higher-ups demand that they do otherwise.
I hope Asylum Officers and Immigration Judges around the country will take note. I hope that they will read the amicus brief, particularly the recitation of our country’s proud (but imperfect) history of protecting people fleeing harm. And most of all, I hope Officers and Judges will continue to follow the law, even when the political leadership pushes them to ignore it. Following and enforcing the law is the ultimate “rebellion” against the current Administration’s lawlessness. Our asylum system, our country’s moral integrity, and the lives of asylum seekers all depend on it.
In case you haven’t noticed, President Trump is not a fan of asylum seekers. His Administration has taken a number of actions to block asylum seekers from coming to the United States and to reduce legal protections for those who are already here. Now, the President has issued a policy memo instructing the Attorney General and the (acting) Secretary of Homeland Security to propose new regulations and re-arrange resources to further discourage migrants from seeking asylum in the U.S. Let’s take a look at this most recent move, and how it might impact the asylum process.
As a preliminary matter, the news is not all bad. In Section 2 of the memo, the President re-affirms his commitment to the humanitarian immigration system: “It is the policy of the executive branch to manage our humanitarian immigration programs in a safe, orderly manner that provides access to relief or protection from removal from the United States for aliens who qualify, and that promptly denies benefits to and facilitates the removal of those who do not.” While it may not be big news that the Administration will provide “relief or protection… for aliens who qualify,” since failing to do so would violate the law, we have to take our good news where we can find it.
“Pay for asylum? No problem. I’ll have my manservant write you a check whilst I finish my charcuterie platter and valet my Bentley.”
In addition, the thrust of the new proposals seem directed towards migrants arriving at the Mexican border. Indeed, the express purpose of the memo is to address the on-going “crisis” in “our immigration and asylum system… as a consequence of the mass migration of aliens across our southern border.” It appears that some of the coming changes will affect all asylum seekers–as opposed to only those entering from Mexico–but we won’t know for sure until the AG and the DHS Secretary draw up the new regulations.
Finally, it is important to note that none of the changes in the memo have gone into effect–yet. The President has ordered his team to propose regulations within 90 days, and after that, it will likely take additional time to implement those changes (and some may be challenged in court). So for the time being, none of the new rules listed in the memo are operational.
Turning now to the specifics, the memo calls for several significant changes:
First, as I read the memo, it requires all asylum applicants who pass a credible fear interview (an initial evaluation of asylum eligibility) to present their cases before an Immigration Judge. Previously, certain applicants–most notably, minors–could present their cases in the less-confrontational environment of the Asylum Office. Now, it seems, they must present their cases in court.
Second, the memo requires that, “absent exceptional circumstances, all asylum applications adjudicated in immigration court proceedings receive final administrative adjudication, not including administrative appeal, within 180 days of filing.” [please assume there is a long pause here, while I laugh and laugh, and eventually compose myself well enough to continue writing]. This ain’t gonna happen. No way. No how. It’s another iteration of what Judge Paul Wickham Schmidt famously calls “aimless docket reshuffling” or ADS. ADS is the process whereby a new Administration comes in and imposes its particular priorities on the Immigration Court system. The very predictable result of ADS is that cases get re-arranged, judges lose control of their dockets, and most everything gets delayed much longer than if management had just left well-enough alone. The Trump Administration is by no means the first to practice ADS, but they do seem to indulge in it more frequently than prior administrations.
Third, the memo calls for “regulations setting a fee for an asylum application not to exceed the costs of adjudicating the application… and for an initial application for employment authorization for the period an asylum claim is pending.” In other words, the government wants to charge asylum seekers to seek asylum (the affirmative asylum system is currently funded by other immigrants when they pay USCIS fees). How much this fee will be, we don’t yet know, but if the fee is meant to cover the cost of adjudicating the asylum application, it won’t be cheap. Will the fee include the cost of security background checks? Immigration Court proceedings? These processes are expensive, and few asylum seekers can afford to “do business” this way.
The memo does not indicate what happens to people who cannot pay, but we can’t just deport them. Indeed, the Immigration and Nationality Act (section 241(b)(3)) and the Convention Against Torture prohibit the U.S. from returning people to countries where they face certain types of harm (this is separate from, but similar to, the asylum law). Such people apply for relief using the same form (I-589) as asylum applicants. Will the government adjudicate these other types of humanitarian applications where the person is unable to pay for asylum? We don’t know this either.
Perhaps those who cannot afford to pay will be eligible for a fee waiver. That would help, but fee waivers require significant work to complete, and so, at a minimum, many lawyers would raise their fees (since we are paid for our time). This would make it more difficult for asylum seekers to obtain legal counsel.
As I read the memo, it also seems to be calling for a fee for the initial Employment Authorization Document (“EAD”). Currently, the first EAD for an asylum applicant is free. Renewals cost money (currently $410). EADs are valid for two years, and fee waivers are available, so this particular requirement, while harmful to asylum seekers, is probably not that damaging.
Fourth, the memo calls for regulations to “bar aliens who have entered or attempted to enter the United States unlawfully from receiving employment authorization before any applicable application for relief or protection from removal has been granted, and to ensure immediate revocation of employment authorization for aliens who are denied asylum or become subject to a final order of removal.”
Currently, an alien is eligible for an EAD 180 days after she files for asylum (she can submit the application 150 days after she files for asylum). If the new memo is implemented, asylum seekers who “entered or attempted to enter the United States unlawfully”can no longer receive an EAD unless and until their cases are granted. As the memo is written, this provision would probably not apply to an alien who arrived in the U.S. with a visa, but that is not entirely clear. The phrase “entered or attempted to enter the United States unlawfully” is subject to interpretation, and if interpreted broadly, it could block some asylum seekers from obtaining an EAD, even if they entered the U.S. with a visa (for example, if the visa was procured by fraud).
Ironically, if the government succeeds in adjudicating asylum cases within 180 days (and I am skeptical about that), the EAD provision will become less important, since cases will either be granted or denied before the alien is eligible to obtain his EAD. If the case is granted, the alien will be eligible to work immediately, and if it is denied, he presumably (based on this memo) would be ineligible to work while the matter is being appealed. The problem will be for applicants who face long delays, and are unable to work lawfully. How will such people survive the wait?
Finally, the memo calls on the Secretary of Homeland Security to “reprioritize the assignment of immigration officers and any other employees of the Department as the Secretary deems necessary and appropriate to improve the integrity of adjudications of credible and reasonable fear claims, to strengthen the enforcement of the immigration laws, and to ensure compliance with the law by those aliens who have final orders of removal.” It’s unclear (at least to me) what this means, but it seems like another version of ADS. Perhaps the plan is to shift resources away from adjudicating immigration benefits and towards enforcement. While this would certainly cause even more delay for individuals, families, and businesses who rely on USCIS, any boost to the asylum or enforcement sections of DHS seems unlikely. There is just not a lot of cross-over between the different functions of DHS, and so there are only so many resources that can be shifted around. In other words, I doubt the DHS Secretary can arm Naturalization officers and enlist them to chase after aliens with final orders.
President Trump’s memo leaves many unanswered questions, and so we will have to wait for the new regulations to learn the specifics. While some of these changes may be blocked by courts, others will likely go into effect. The result will be a further erosion of our proud tradition as a beacon of hope to those fleeing harm.
As you may have heard, parts of the federal government are closed for business. After two years of Republican inaction on “the wall,” somehow President Trump has decided that now is the time to shut the government down in an effort to “permanently fix the problem on the Southern Border.” Let’s look at the effect of the shutdown on immigration generally, and on asylum more particularly.
In immigration world, the biggest–and most ironic–effect of the shutdown has been to close most of the nation’s Immigration Courts. Courts that handle detained cases are still operating normally, but non-detained courts are closed. The irony is that shuttering the courts will have the effect of delaying the deportation of many aliens. On average (and based on current projections for FY2019), Immigration Judges will deport about 676 people per day. If we remove detained cases from the mix (very roughly speaking, detained cases make up about 13% of all Immigration Court cases), we can estimate that for each day the government is shut down, 588 people are spared from deportation. Given the long backlog in Immigration Court, most people with postponed cases will probably not return to court for another year or two, and so such people will be able to remain the U.S. far longer thanks to the shutdown.
$5,700,000,000 wall vs. $79 ladder.
Also from the Irony Department: The lapse in government funding means that Border Patrol agents–the very people who are supposed to guard our Southern border–will not be paid until the shutdown ends. As you can imagine, this is not great for morale. In addition, the E-Verify System, which allows employers to check whether a particular person is authorized to work, is down. If this “electronic wall” is not working, some “illegals” may be able to work. These results seems contrary to Mr. Trump’s stated goals of deporting more people and fixing the broken immigration system, but what else is new?
Of course, many asylum seekers will not be very happy about having their court cases delayed. Some have been waiting years for a decision, all the while separated from family members and living with great uncertainty. For such people and their families, the delay is heartbreaking.
To check on the status of the Immigration Courts, you can visit the EOIR website, which will indicate whether operations have resumed. If your court case is postponed due to the shutdown, the case will be rescheduled once the lapse in funding has been resolved. From EOIR:
Non-detained docket cases will be reset for a later date after funding resumes. Immigration courts will issue an updated notice of hearing to respondents or, if applicable, respondents’ representatives of record for each reset hearing.
In other words, the Immigration Court will send you or your lawyer a written notice for the new hearing date. You can also check the Immigration Court hotline, which indicates when your next hearing is scheduled. The phone number is 800-898-7180. This is a computer system; not a person. When it answers, follow the instructions and, when prompted, enter your Alien number. The system will tell you your next hearing date. Unfortunately, the hotline will not be updated during the shutdown, but once the situation is resolved, you can check for your next appointment (whether cancelled Individual Hearing dates will be set for another Individual Hearing or a Master Calendar Hearing, we do not yet know).
What if you want to file documents, evidence or a change of address with the Immigration Court? Immigration Courts and the Board of Immigration Appeals (“BIA”) are accepting filings for detained cases. As I understand, most courts are also accepting filings for non-detained cases, but such filings will not be acted upon. The problem is that such filings may get lost in the avalanche of documents that the courts receive. This problem will be especially acute if the shutdown drags on for weeks or months. My advice: If you have a deadline, file your documents, but make sure to keep a copy for yourself and have evidence that you filed (if you can file in-person, the clerk will stamp your copy of the documents; if you file by mail, you should keep a copy of the certified mailing receipt). If you do not have a deadline or an emergency, it is probably better to wait until the shutdown ends before filing any documents with an Immigration Court or the BIA.
For asylum seekers and immigrants who do not have court cases, the shutdown is far less consequential. USCIS obtains its budget from “customer fees” (i.e., money you pay for your green card, work permit, etc.), and so the lapse in government funding is not an issue (there is currently no fee for asylum, but USCIS customer fees fund the Asylum Offices). As a result, the Asylum Offices, USCIS offices, and Application Support Centers (the place that takes your fingerprints) are all operating normally. While this is unlikely to change, there is no harm in double checking before you make the trek to your appointment. You can do that here.
One final question is, How long will the shutdown last? Of course, we do not know. The longest shutdown to date occurred during President Clinton’s term, and lasted 21 days. The current shutdown began on December 22, 2018, and so as of this writing, we are approaching Mr. Clinton’s (or more accurately, Newt Gingrich’s) record. The shutdown is inflicting much damage on our country, including to some immigrants and asylum seekers. Let’s hope that our leaders can bring an end to the impasse as soon as possible.
By now, you’re probably familiar with the famous, anonymous op-ed in the New York Times, written by a high-level member of the White House staff who is “resisting” President Trump. But in asylum-world, there’s another anonymous article getting attention. It’s an interview in Topic Magazine with an un-named asylum officer.
The interview is sad and poignant. It’s obvious that the officer cares about his (or her) job and the individuals who are seeking protection in the United States. With the advent of the Trump Administration and it’s increasingly hostile approach to asylum seekers, the officer is facing a crisis of conscious: “I struggle every single day with how to determine whether I’m causing more harm than good,” the officer states.
Asylum Officers review the latest Trump Administration policy memo.
One example the officer gives is the implementation of the infamous “zero tolerance” policy at the border, where parents and children were separated, often by trickery, and with no real plan for reunification:
I was interviewing moms in detention who were separated from their children. [U.S. government officials] took their children away from them. All that they wanted from me was to know where their kids were. They would ask me, “Where are my children?” But I was told not to tell them where their kids were. I was told not to tell them. When I say I’m complicit, this is what I mean.
Obviously, looking a desperate mother in the eyes and declining to give her information about her children is a soul-crushing experience. And, according to the anonymous officer, the Administration’s policies are having a deleterious effect on asylum officers:
People in the office are demoralized. I think the job was hard to begin with. There were already very high expectations, very rigorous screenings. Now, there is a fear among upper-level officers that the [asylum] program could get cut altogether, so everyone is trying very hard to not make any mistakes so that the program doesn’t get cut. My worry is that this will lead to people who should get asylum not getting asylum…. [At] this point, I can’t yet fathom what [bad thing] will happen next. I don’t want to, but I’m sure it will come. I never thought they would take kids away from their parents. What else could they do? They did that, so they could do anything.
What should a decent, moral person do in a situation like this? For me (as an outsider), the answer is not so clear. I have friends who have left government because they could not contribute to the goals of the Trump Administration. Other friends have chosen to stay, to do whatever good they can. Which approach is better probably depends on the individual and her circumstances, and I am quite sure it is not an easy decision either way.
If it were me, one factor in deciding whether to stay or go would be the impact of my choice on the asylum system. I have written this before, but it bears repeating here: In many ways our asylum system is sacred. Our country grants protection to strangers who arrive on our shores seeking refuge from danger. We offer asylum in part because it serves our national interests. But we also offer asylum because we are generous and good. By helping others, we help define ourselves. My decision to leave would depend in part on whether I thought my departure would make “the system” better or worse.
Asylum Officers, Immigration Judges, and government attorneys implement the asylum law. Without them, there would be no humanitarian immigration system. In my experience, most of these people are hard working. The majority are clearly committed to the rule of law, and to Justice (though we don’t always agree on what “Justice” looks like). They take their responsibilities seriously and recognize the life-changing nature of their work. They are the ones who have to make the difficult choices (choices that lawyers like me do not have to make): Whether to grant a close case or deny a sympathetic one that simply does not qualify for relief; whether to give an applicant the benefit of the doubt; whether to grant or deny as a matter of discretion. These are the tough choices that ultimately allow “the system” to continue functioning.
So it seems to me, the question for the anonymous asylum officer and many hundreds like him, is whether there is still room in the system–and in his particular job–to do Justice. In the case of our officer, it appears that such room still exists.
Even as the Trump Administration is working overtime to narrow the path for asylum seekers, it is still possible to do good. As the anonymous officer notes, “there is still space to be fair, and to provide opportunities for people.” And it’s not just fairness; it’s also kindness. Speaking about female asylum seekers detained at the Southern border, the officer says:
I think that oftentimes for the women who are detained at those facilities, [my interaction with them] will be the first moment that someone will be kind to them. The very first time in the whole process. They are not treated well at the border, by other agents in other agencies….
The value of such kindness is difficult to overstate. It can be the difference between hope and despair. Even for people who are ultimately denied, the fact that they were treated with respect and fairness makes a real difference. I have seen that myself many times.
As an attorney who represents asylum seekers, I hope that the anonymous officer will stay. When good people depart government service, the rule of law is degraded. The decency and compassion that have been–to borrow a word–the loadstars of our asylum system, are further eroded. And of course, the erosion of our humanitarian immigration system also marks a degradation of our country’s humanity.
These days, many good people in government are conflicted. The anonymous officer states, “I think about it [quitting] all the time.” I don’t blame the officer for this. It is painful to compromise one’s morals. But now, more than ever, I think we need people like this officer to stay. To do their jobs. And to pursue Justice.
