How Much More Damage Can the Trump Administration Do?

Joe Biden has won the popular vote and the majority of the electoral college vote. Whether he will be sworn in as the 46th President of the United States, however, remains to be seen. In yet another break with precedent and an attack on our democracy, President Trump has refused to concede and claims that the election was plagued by widespread fraud. He made the same claim in 2016, and even created a commission, chaired by Vice President Mike Pence and anti-immigrant crusader Kris Kobach. That commission quietly shut down after failing to discover any significant evidence of fraud, and so far, there is no evidence of wrongdoing in the current election. Nevertheless, when we have a President who has repeatedly demonstrated his contempt for the rule of law and for reality itself, the peaceful transition of power in no longer a given.

And what’s worse than the President are those who support and enable him. We already know that many Republicans care more about winning than about democracy. Exhibit A in that regard is the Supreme Court nomination process. Senate Republicans blocked Merrick Garland from even receiving a hearing during the last year of President Obama’s term. The claim was that since an election was upcoming, “the people” should decide who gets to fill the vacant seat on the high court. Four years later, the same Senate Republicans rushed through the confirmation of a Justice they supported ideologically, Amy Coney Barrett, in the days before the 2020 election. This action laid bare the utter contempt Republicans have for fairness and for those who disagree with them. In my view, democracy simply cannot exist in such an atmosphere.

This election is like a bad horror movie. We’ve reached the point where the hero seems to have won, but there’s still 20 minutes left to go. Or in our case, 70 days.

Now, the stakes are even higher. Are Republicans just indulging their base and Mr. Trump? Or do they expect something to come of their challenges? And if the results of the election are somehow overturned or subverted, what then? I fear that democracy cannot survive such a moment.

And how does all this affect asylum seekers and immigrants? Even assuming the Trump Administration leaves peacefully, what can it do during the remaining 70-some days before Mr. Biden takes office? Can it make changes that outlast the Trump Presidency and are difficult for Mr. Biden to reverse?

One thing we are seeing is the continuing flurry of new regulations and other actions aimed at making it more difficult to obtain asylum or other legal status in the U.S. Probably the most significant recent action is the refugee cap for FY2021, which further reduces the number of refugees our country will admit for resettlement. For much of the Obama Administration, our country resettled about 85,000 refugees per year. During Mr. Obama’s last year in office, the U.S. resettled about 110,000 refugees. For FY2021 (which began on September 30, 2020), our country will resettle a maximum of 15,000 refugees–the lowest number in the modern history of our refugee program.

In another recent action, on November 5, the Attorney General issued a decision making clear that there is no “duress exception” to the persecutor bar. What this means is that if a person is forced to engage in “persecution” (for example, by serving as a prison guard) under duress, she cannot qualify for asylum. Also, the evidentiary burden for the government has been reduced so that if evidence exists indicating the persecutor bar “may” apply, the asylum applicant must demonstrate that the bar does not apply. Under this strange standard, many asylum applicants could be subject to the bar. Imagine a person who was forcefully conscripted into the Syrian army, an army which commits human rights violations. Even when there is no evidence that this person engaged in any persecutory conduct, he must present evidence that the persecutor bar does not apply. Whether this will block many people from obtaining asylum, I am not sure, but it could. At a minimum, the new decision will make it more burdensome for applicants to present their asylum claims.

The ongoing rule-making is part of a four-year effort to restrict asylum and immigration. Many policies have gone into effect; others have been blocked by courts or are subject to ongoing legal challenges. For example, the Trump Administration increased the wait time for asylum-pending work permits from 150 days to one year, it implemented the “public charge rule” making it more difficult to obtain a Green Card, it narrowed the basis for obtaining asylum for victims of domestic violence and gang violence, it created the Migrant Protection Protocols, which forced thousands of asylum seekers to wait in Mexico in unsafe conditions, it issued restrictions on asylum for people who passed through third countries or countries affected by the coronavirus, it implemented the Muslim travel ban, etc., etc. Whether any more new rules or decisions will be issued in the next few months, we do not know, but it certainly would not be surprising.

One thing the Trump Administration has failed to do is change the immigration law itself. That requires an act of Congress, and even though Republicans controlled both Houses in 2017 and 2018, the President failed to introduce legislation related to immigration or asylum. As a result, all of the changes we’ve seen over the past four years have been regulatory. This means that a new President would have the power to reverse those changes, though those efforts could be blocked by a court if they are found to be “arbitrary and capricious” (as the Trump Administration repeatedly found out).

President Elect Biden has laid out an ambitious immigration agenda and has pledged to reverse many of Mr. Trump’s immigration rules. However, given that the Senate will likely remain in Republican hands, some of his ideas may prove impossible to implement. Others may come up against hard political realities–I wonder, for example, what to do about the thousands of migrants stranded at the U.S./Mexico border. Something needs to be done, but throwing open the gates seems politically risky and could result in a severe backlash (in the 2022 election, for example). It would be far better to come up with bipartisan solutions to these problems, but unfortunately, it seems unlikely that the GOP will play ball.

In any event, Mr. Biden can accomplish nothing until he is sworn in, and as far as I can tell, that is not yet a certainty. I know I tend to be pessimistic, and I hope that I am wrong, but from what I can tell, our country is at the most precarious and dangerous point that we have seen since the Civil War. To get past this moment, our leaders need to put the good of the nation before their own self interest and their own partisan loyalties. I suppose there is a first time for everything.

A Reflection on the Election

As I write, we still have no decision, and the election rests on the edge of knife. Perhaps Joe Biden will manage to pull out a win, but I am personally feeling deeply pessimistic. Once again Donald Trump has proved the pollsters wrong and he and his fellow Republicans have exceeded expectations. There will be time later to ask “What Happened?” (as Hillary Clinton did after the 2016 election), but here I want to reflect on a few more personal notes.

First, for me at least, yesterday was not all bad. My intrepid associate and I were in Immigration Court representing a gay man from Russia. His case was pretty typical: He suffered many threats (in person and spray painted on his door), he was beaten up a few times (once ending up in the hospital for three days), ostracized by his schoolmates, mentally and physically abused by his parents. You know, the usual for a gay person in Russia. He also happens to be a popular blogger, with some of his posts garnering close to one million views, but this work was done anonymously and so was not something we could hang our hat on. After testimony, DHS opposed asylum. The Immigration Judge explained his reasoning and why he felt that the harm suffered rose to the level of persecution. He also explained why country condition evidence convinced him that there was a likelihood of future harm. After he explained himself, the DHS attorney agreed not to appeal and our client walked out of court as an asylee.

They still believe.

Having done enough of these cases, I can tell a strong case from a weak one, and this case was fairly strong, and so I believe the outcome was correct under existing law and precedent. But there is more here than that. The Immigration Judge listened to our client, and so did DHS. They were polite and professional. They were respectful. The DHS attorney challenged my client on certain portions of his story. That is her job and she did it courteously but firmly. In short, the system worked for my client because the IJ and the DHS attorney respect the rule of law and believe in due process. When I have a case with this judge and with this government attorney, I know that even if my client loses (which we sometimes do), we will have been heard and treated fairly. This is Justice. And though our immigration system is under daily assault, Justice can sometimes still be found almost four years into the Trump Presidency.

Second, as I was perusing Facebook during my copious free time, I noticed a photo posted by a former asylum client, now a U.S. citizen. He was voting. Then I saw another, and another.

Once a person wins asylum, she must wait one year before applying for a Green Card. Once she applies, it used to take about a year to get the approval. Lately, that wait time has increased to over three years. Once the asylee gets a Green Card, she must wait four years to file for citizenship. The citizenship application typically takes another year or two. Finally, the former asylee becomes a United States citizen. So from asylum grant to U.S. citizenship can take anywhere from six to eight years, or more (and remember, before that, most people waited a few years to get asylum, so the total journey can easily be 10 or 12 years).

I have been in the business long enough that a number of my asylum clients are now citizens. Since my Facebook skills are such that I do not know how to block them from becoming my “friends” (I’m thinking of you, Ali), I get to see what they are up to here in the States.

The voters I saw were a woman’s rights activist who created an organization to educate hundreds of young women and girls in Afghanistan. She was threatened by the Taliban and forced to flee to the United States. There were veterans of the Green Revolution in Iran–activists who stood up to that vicious regime in an effort to move their country towards democracy. There was a democracy activist from Egypt and a journalist from Pakistan. There were family members of a diplomat who was assassinated in his country. 

Most of these new citizens continue to engage in political activity to support democracy and human rights in their homelands. All are working productively in the United States.

Whatever the results of the election, and whatever the opinion of my fellow Americans about asylum seekers and refugees, I know the truth because I see it with my own eyes every day. Asylum seekers, refugees, and immigrants are some of the most patriotic people I know. They contribute mightily to our nation. And despite all its flaws, they still believe in America, and in the American dream. Their goodness and their faith help me to try to believe as well.

The Republican Party “Platform” on Asylum

As you’ve probably heard, the Republican Party has not adopted a new platform for 2020. Instead, they resolved that the “Republican Party has and will continue to enthusiastically support the President’s America-first agenda.” I find this frightening.

The whole point of a platform is to get together (perhaps virtually) to discuss/debate the party’s priorities and then reach some consensus about how to proceed during the next four years. But now–in spite of significant new problems facing our country–the Republican Party has decided to simply defer to President Trump and stick with their 2016 platform. If you’re interested, I already wrote about the 2016 platform. In 2016. That an entire party, diverse in its opinions (if not its ethnic make-up), would take a pass on setting its goals, and instead agree simply to follow the leader, is deeply undemocratic.

That said, at least in terms of asylum seekers and refugees, we have a pretty good idea about what a second Trump Administration would do: Close the doors to America by every means at its disposal, including trampling due process of law (which endangers us all) and lying about the reasons why asylum seekers and refugees come here, who they are, and what they do once they get here (and of course, this never-ending mendacity also endangers us all).

Republican proposals include using a heat weapon to deter migrants.

So we have a general idea about what the Republicans would do with a second term, but what about specifics? Since the Republican Party itself won’t tell us its proposals related to asylum seekers and refugees, the intrepid reporters here at the Asylumist have scoured the internet to find out exactly what Mr. Trump has in mind if he is re-elected. Here is what we found–

  • The border patrol will deploy a heat ray weapon, which produces “agonizing pain” to those caught in its line of fire. The idea is that migrants caught in the device’s ray will turn back to Mexico before they become burnt toast.
  • ICE will continue to arrest thousands of non-citizen, thus demonstrating that it is more important to detain “illegals” in overcrowded, coronavirus-infected prisons, than to worry about public health. This also has the benefit of enriching the private-prison companies that hold immigrant detainees. In turn, those companies use their money to help bankroll President Trump’s re-election campaign. So it’s a win-win-win!
  • Since Mexico hasn’t paid for a wall (yet), Trump supporters have raised private funds through a group called “We Build the Wall,” which raked in $25 million from private donors who wanted to put their money where their hate is. How much wall they’ve actually built is anyone’s guess, but a number of the organization’s leaders–including ex-Trump aid Stephen Bannon–did manage to get themselves indicted for fraud. Despite this small hiccup, perhaps we can expect private funding of the border wall to continue under another Trump term.
  • During his first campaign, Mr. Trump famously opined that asylum seekers are bringing crime and drugs, and that they are rapists. “Some, I assume, are good people,” he said. But since most migrants are not good people, we have to continually treat them with suspicion. In that spirit, the Trump Administration wants to collect much more biometric evidence from non-citizens, including DNA samples. So essentially, immigrants will be forced to live in a surveillance state until they become citizens.
  • President Trump has gone back and forth about what to do for/to DACA recipients (people who came to the U.S. as children but who do not have status here). Recently, he proposed “taking care of people from DACA in a very Republican way.” Given how the Trump Administration has treated migrant children, asylum seekers fleeing gangs and domestic violence, and Muslims, the idea of being treated in a “very Republican way” does not seem all that appealing.

It’s unfortunate that we don’t have specifics from the Republicans about their immigration goals for the next four years. When a political party puts their proposals in writing, at least it requires members of the party to think through their plans, and it gives the public a clearer idea about what they hope to accomplish.

In the absence of a platform, we are left to speculate. And given the Trump Administration’s track record on asylum, refugees, and immigration, it seems unlikely that we can expect anything positive from them during a second term.

The Democratic Party Platform on Asylum

The Democratic Party has released its 2020 Party Platform, which represents the Democrats’ aspirations for the next four years. Separately, the Biden/Harris campaign has released its immigration plan. Both plans contain concrete policy suggestions (as well as plenty of hyperbole), and here I want to discuss the points that relate directly to asylum.

Before we get to that, let’s briefly look at the most important points related to immigration generally, since these proposals would also affect asylum seekers. In terms of immigration, the Democratic Party Platform seeks to accomplish the following–

  • Stop work on the border wall
  • End the Muslim ban
  • Protect Dreamers and parents of U.S. citizen children
  • End the public charge rule (form I-944)
  • Provide a path to citizenship for undocumented migrants living in the U.S.
  • Reduce immigration backlogs
  • Make it easier for spouses and children of Green Card holders to come to the United States
  • End the 3/10 year bar
  • Expand protections for victims of human trafficking and sex trafficking
  • Provide stronger work-place protections for non-citizen and undocumented workers
  • End workplace and community raids
  • Re-instate prosecutorial discretion in immigration cases
  • Prioritize alternatives to detention and end the practice of holding non-citizens for long periods
  • Consider expanding TPS (Temporary Protected Status) for people from war-torn countries
  • In terms of enforcement, prioritize criminals and others who threaten our national security
  • Reform employment-based visas for immigrant and non-immigrant workers
  • Provide more support services for new immigrants, so they can better integrate into U.S. society
  • End the use of for-profit detention centers
  • Increase the number of refugees admitted into the country
The Democratic Party Platform stands for the radical notion that non-citizens are human beings.

The Platform also contains a number of proposals that relate more specifically to asylum–

  • End policies that make it more difficult for victims of gang violence and domestic violence to receive asylum
  • End the criminal prosecution of asylum seekers at the border and stop separating families
  • End policies designed to force asylum seekers to apply for protection in a “safe third country”
  • End the Migrant Protection Protocols (the “wait in Mexico” policy)
  • Send humanitarian resources to the border to deal with the migration crisis
  • Send more Asylum Officers to the border, and for asylum seekers who “pass” a credible fear interview, have an Asylum Officer–as opposed to an Immigration Judge–review the full case
  • Double the number of Immigration Judges, court staff, and interpreters

This is an ambitious agenda, and it is certainly more pro-immigrant than what we saw during the Obama Administration. Whether these goals can realistically be implemented, I do not know.

As for the proposals related to asylum, you can see that they are largely designed to reverse policies of the Trump Administration, and they mainly apply to migrants arriving at our Southern border. Mr. Trump’s policies have been abhorrent and ineffective (and not always legal), and so we obviously need to do something different at the border. The risk is that by deploying more resources to the border, the government will be unable to interview affirmative asylum seekers, thus further increasing the backlog. Also, if Mr. Biden’s policies encourage more migrants to come here, that could further strain the system and result in a political backlash.

In terms of changing the asylum law, Mr. Biden’s only substantive proposal is to reverse Trump-era restrictions on asylum for victims of domestic violence and criminal gangs. This is an important issue, since so many asylum seekers (especially from Central America) are fleeing these types of harm. Persecution by criminals and domestic partners has not traditionally been a basis for asylum eligibility. Over years of litigation, the scope of asylum protection has expanded to include LGBT individuals, victims of female genital mutilation, and to a lesser extent, victims of domestic and gang violence (under the rubric of “particular social group”). But since President Trump came into office, his Administration has been rolling back these gains, particularly with regard to persecution by criminal gangs and domestic partners. If Mr. Biden is elected and reverses this trend, more people would qualify for protection and lives will be saved, but this could also encourage more people to seek protection in our country.

To deal with this concern, Mr. Biden’s plan includes an effort to address the root causes of migration from Central America (violence, lawlessness, impunity, and poverty). Hopefully that would help improve the situation in those countries and mitigate the number of people seeking protection in the U.S. But in terms of our immigration system, more needs to be done.

Specifically, we need an honest national conversation about who should be eligible for asylum and how many asylum seekers we should admit. Unfortunately, in the current environment, this seems impossible. But until we can have such a conversation, and reach some semblance of a consensus, asylum will remain a political wedge issue and asylum seekers will continue suffering from backlogs and shifting eligibility standards. In the event that Joe Biden takes office in January, I hope that this conversation will be part of his agenda, and that he will work with Congress and the public to reach a sustainable solution for asylum seekers.

Overall, Mr. Biden’s asylum plans seem largely reactive–he wants to reverse the damage caused by the Trump Administration. But he is also advocating for a broad immigration reform, which would benefit many non-citizens, including many asylum seekers. Even if all he did was speak truthfully about migration and respect the law, Mr. Biden would be a vast improvement over what we have now. Let us all resolve to do what we can to help Mr. Biden succeed in November and beyond.

Non-citizens Can Participate in the 2020 Election! Here’s How

The U.S. immigration system is a disaster. Hundreds of thousands of applicants are stuck in limbo, many cases are arbitrarily denied, and due process protections have been reduced or eliminated. While it is still possible to win individual cases, the Trump Administration has done everything possible–legal and illegal–to block asylum seekers and immigrants, and to undermine the fair implementation of our nation’s immigration laws. With the immigration system under attack, the only way to protect individual immigrants is to defend that system. But how?

Over the last 3½ years, non-citizens and their advocates have done their best to defend the immigration system. Lawsuits have sought to mitigate the Muslim ban, “remain in Mexico,” the public charge rules, and so on. Advocacy work has had some successes as well–allowing foreign students to remain in the U.S. and reducing the number of children in cages. All of these efforts have been something of a rear-guard action–trying to keep the retreat from becoming a route.

Now, with the election approaching, there is a chance to achieve real change. If Joe Biden and the Democrats take the White House, we can expect an end to many of the most egregious attacks on non-citizens. No one has a bigger stake in this election than asylum seekers and other non-citizens. But of course, as non-citizens, you are not permitted to vote or donate money to Mr. Biden or the Democrats. But that doesn’t mean you can’t participate in the election campaign. Here, we’ll talk about what you, as a non-U.S. citizen, can and cannot do. Let’s start with the cannots.

Before they can help us, we have to help them.

You cannot vote. It is illegal for anyone but a U.S. citizen to vote in a federal election. Non-citizens who vote can face fines, jail time, and deportation.

A “foreign national” cannot contribute money to a campaign, even if that contribution is indirect (for example, through a political action committee). “Foreign national” is defined as an “individual who is not a citizen of the United States… and who is not lawfully admitted for permanent residence.” Thus, if you are a non-citizen, but you have a Green Card, you are permitted to donate money to a political campaign. Note that if you have applied for a Green Card or asylum or any other immigration benefit, and you have not yet received that benefit, you cannot legally contribute money to a campaign. Even if you have an Employment Authorization Document (“EAD”), you are not eligible to make a contribution.

Also, foreign nationals cannot make “decisions concerning the administration of any political committee,” meaning basically that you cannot take a leadership or decision-making role in a campaign or an organization supporting a campaign or candidate.

Finally, foreign nationals cannot work for a candidate and receive compensation from anyone.

So much for the cannots. Now let’s look at what a non-citizen can do to help during the upcoming election.

The main thing you can do to participate in the election is to volunteer with a candidate. The Federal Election Commission (“FEC”) website provides guidance for foreign nationals who wish to volunteer during an election–

Generally, an individual (including a foreign national) may volunteer personal services to a federal candidate or federal political committee without making a contribution. The Act provides this volunteer “exemption” as long as the individual performing the service is not compensated by anyone.

What do volunteers do? The most important activity for volunteers is to encourage people to register and vote. You can do this by making phone calls to potential voters. Here, the ability to speak different languages might be very useful. There are many new Americans, who are eligible to vote, but who might be more comfortable speaking in their native language. The phone calls can be made from your own home (using an app, which does not reveal your personal phone number) and the people you are calling tend to be happy to hear from you, as they have been selected because they are predisposed to vote for a Democrat. The purpose of the call is to ensure that they are registered to vote, and that they know how to vote when the time comes.

You can also participate by sending text messages to prospective voters. Again, you can do this from home, and it really does help.

There are other volunteer opportunities available as well, not only for Joe Biden and Kamala Harris, but for “down ballot” candidates, whose election is also very important for protecting non-citizens (and all of us). For calling and texting, and other types of volunteer work, the Biden campaign provides training and support. To learn more, and get in touch with a volunteer coordinator, contact the Biden campaign here. Make sure they understand your immigration status, so they can put you to work in an appropriate capacity.

Finally, according to a federal court decision (penned by now-Supreme Court Justice Brett Kavanaugh no less), the foreign national ban–

does not restrain foreign nationals from speaking out about issues or spending money to advocate their views about issues. It restrains them only from a certain form of expressive activity closely tied to the voting process—providing money for a candidate or political party or spending money in order to expressly advocate for or against the election of a candidate.

Bluman v. FEC, 800 F. Supp. 2d 281, 290 (D.D.C. 2011), aff’d 132 S. Ct. 1087 (2012). Thus, it may be possible to make financial contributions to non-political “issue” organizations that do not mention candidates, political offices, political parties, incumbent federal officeholders or any past or future election. See AO 1984-41 (National Conservative Foundation). If you plan to contribute financially, check with the beneficiary organization to be sure that your immigration status is not a bar (and remember that Green Card holders may freely engage in political activity and make donations, as long as they do not vote). 

There is a lot riding on the November election. Unfortunately, President Trump has used fear and division to mobilize many people. He has also attacked the rule of law, due process, and democracy itself. We need everyone–including non-citizens waiting to officially join our nation–to help elect Joe Biden and to preserve the republic for us all.

Trump Campaign’s Law Firm Represents Muslims, Mexicans, Criminal Aliens

Donald Trump–who famously declared his intention to ban Muslims from coming to the United States, and who called Mexican migrants “rapists“– is represented in his presidential campaign by a law firm whose pro bono clients include Muslims and Mexicans, as well as many other immigrants and asylum seekers.

Don McGahn: Working hard to ensure that the asylum seekers represented by his law firm colleagues will face discrimination and deportation.
Don McGahn: Working hard to ensure that the asylum seekers represented by his law firm colleagues will face discrimination and deportation.

To be sure, all 2,400+ attorneys at Jones Day do not support Mr. Trump, and many have been quite vocal (at least anonymously) about their opposition to the candidate and their firm’s representation of him. It also seems that the lead attorney for the Trump campaign, Donald “Don” McGahn II, has been under some pressure to separate himself from the firm. However, at least for now, Jones Day seems to be all in for the Republican nominee.

Given it’s support for the candidate, perhaps it’s a bit ironic that Jones Day has spent considerable money and pro bono time representing the very people that Mr. Trump seeks to ban from our country. Indeed, Jones Day has been recognized for its service by a number of leading immigrant-advocacy groups, including Human Rights First, the National Immigrant Justice Center, Tahirih Justice Center, the Lawyers’ Committee for Civil Rights Asylum Project, Immigration Equality, and the Capital Area Immigrants’ Rights Coalition. These organizations represent immigrants and asylum seekers throughout the country. Many of their clients are detained in ICE custody. Some are criminals. Others are (gasp!) Muslim. The work of these organizations has helped save thousands of lives, and the support of firms like Jones Day is integral to their efforts.

And it’s not just organizational support. Aside from fundraising, a perusal of the firm’s recent pro bono successes reveals that Jones Day attorneys have directly represented Muslim, Mexican, and Central American asylum seekers, among many others. The firm has also represented criminal aliens in their quest to remain in the United States.

For example, in March 2016, three attorneys from the Jones Day Chicago office won a victory in the Ninth Circuit for a Salvadoran man convicted of perjury. As a result of this success, the man has an opportunity to present his case for relief to the Immigration Judge, and he now has a chance to stay in the United States with his wife and son. The firm also successfully represented a gay man from Jamaica who received relief under the Torture Convention (most likely, he was ineligible for asylum due to a criminal conviction), an Afghan man convicted of assault against a police officer, and a Mexican citizen who was charged with procuring his admission to the U.S. by fraud.

In addition to its criminal-immigration work, the firm has obtained asylum for a Muslim refugee from Somalia, a Muslim refugee from Iraq, and many other clients from majority-Muslim countries, including a woman from Mali, a family from Kyrgyzstan, a man from Turkey, a family from Iran,  a woman and her son from Iraq, and a man from Yemen (the firm’s website does not specify whether these clients are Muslim, but it seems likely that many are).

In fact, the firm has an entire webpage devoted to its pro bono asylum and immigration activities. Jones Day is rightly proud of this work–the firm has assisted scores of asylum seekers and immigrants. It has won many cases and has represented aliens in precedent-setting litigation before the federal appellate courts and the U.S. Supreme Court. The firm is also rightly proud of its support for various non-profits, which help thousands of foreign nationals and their families. But how do these effort squares with the firm’s representation of Mr. Trump, whose central message is anti-Muslim and anti-immigrant?

It seems pretty clear that there is no ethical conflict in terms of the Rules of Professional Responsibility that lawyers must follow, and I have no doubt that the firm can competently represent both Mr. Trump and its pro bono clients. However, it does seem to me that representing the Republican nominee creates a real moral conflict for Jones Day.

From my observation, big-firm attorney who represent asylum seekers and immigrants pour their hearts and soles into the cases. They often become friendly with their clients and they are heavily invested in the case outcomes. How would it feel to devote yourself to such a case, only to have your firm’s most high-profile client denigrate your efforts?

I am not a Jones Day attorney. I am not even a big-firm attorney. Never have been; probably never will be. But it seems to me that the character of a firm is important. That character is defined by the work the firm does–the paid work, and perhaps even more so, the pro bono work, which represents the firm’s core values. Mr. Trump’s campaign is diametrically opposed to the values that underpin much of Jones Day’s pro bono work, and I do not see how these two paths can be morally reconciled. I also do not see how the firm can maintain its integrity by helping needy immigrants at the same time it is working to elect a president who is a bigot and a xenophobe.

Abraham Lincoln once observed that a house divided against itself cannot stand. I wonder: Can a law firm?

Missouri Senate Candidates Vie for Who Hates Asylum Seekers More

Asylum tends to be one of the less controversial areas of immigration law, and rarely attracts the kind of anger associated with the broader immigration debate.  However, a 20-year old asylum case has become an issue in the Missouri Senate race. 

The Kansas City Star reports that Democrats have accused the Republican candidate, Roy Blunt, of “hypocricy” because he employed and tried to assist an “illegal worker” named Dora Narvaez, a Nicaraguan asylum seeker.  Apparently, Mr. Blunt employed Ms. Narvaez as a housekeeper for six months in 1990 and then contacted the head of INS to help her with her asylum case.  At the time, Mr. Blunt was Missouri’s Secretary of State.  Mr. Blunt’s campaign denies the allegations, and states that he forwarded Ms. Narvaez’s request for assistance, just as he did for anyone else from Missouri. 

It’s unclear to me how the Democrats have determined that Ms. Narvaez was an “illegal worker.”  Aliens who filed for asylum prior to 1996 received a work permit quickly and were permitted to remain in the U.S. until their cases were adjudicated.  Thus, if Ms. Narvaez was indeed an asylum seeker, she was most likely legally eligible to work and live in the United States, and so Mr. Blunt could have lawfully employed her.  Whether or not he used his influence and connections to assist her remains an open question, but based on the evidence available, the Democrat’s charge that Ms. Narvaez was an “illegal worker” seems unfounded. 

Not that the Republicans are much better on this issue.  Mr. Blunt currently represents Southwest Missouri in the House of Representatives.  According to his Congressional website, he has opposed “amnesty” and supported an enforcement-only approach to the immigration problem.  Thus, it seems that neither candidate is much of a friend to immigrants.

Mr. Blunt currently leads his opponent, Democrat Robin Carnahan, in the polls.