An Open Letter to My Friends at DHS and DOJ

Former House Speaker, and Donald Trump adviser, Newt “The Brain” Gingrich recently made plain what Mr. Trump has been arguing for months: The new Administration is planning “straight-out war” against the federal bureaucracy. But in my time, there are two things that I’ve learned about ideological wars: (1) The casualties are flesh-and-blood human beings, and (2) Everyone involved thinks that G-d is on his side.

"Sidekick to a bully" is not a job title many government lawyers relish.
“Sidekick to a bully” is not a job title many government lawyers relish.

In this case, Mr. Gingrich was speaking specifically about the troubled Department of Veterans Affairs, which he accused of various sins amounting mostly to half-truths (or perhaps whole lies). But we’ve seen a pattern with Mr. Trump’s appointments. For example. the new head of the Department of Energy wanted to eliminate that agency in 2012. The leader of the Environmental Protection Agency doubts human-influenced climate change and will likely prevent that organization from issuing regulations to protect public health. And the new Secretary of the Department of Housing and Urban Development will be Dr. Ben Carson, whose main qualification seems to be that he lives in a house.

But the situation for the Departments of Justice and Homeland Security are a bit different, at least in terms of those agencies’ oversight of our nation’s immigration laws. In those cases, it’s more likely that Mr. Trump will be ramping-up enforcement at the possible expense of other immigration functions (like processing immigration benefits).

Senator Jeff Sessions will lead the DOJ as Attorney General. He is known for his opposition to immigration reform and his belief that legal immigration to the United States should be reduced. So how will Senator Sessions’s appointment affect DOJ in terms of immigration enforcement? DOJ administers the nations Immigration Courts and the Board of Immigration Appeals (“BIA”), and (within some limits) interprets our immigration laws. As Attorney General, Mr. Sessions has the power to narrow precedents favorable to non-citizens. He can do this directly, by issuing Attorney-General opinions, which supersede decisions made by the BIA. He can also do it indirectly, by appointing ideologically like-minded Judges and BIA Members. DOJ also administers the Office of Immigration Litigation (“OIL”), which defends BIA decisions in the federal courts. Mr. Sessions could order OIL to take more hard-line stances, and he could push litigation that reflects his restrictonist viewpoint.

How would this be different than what we have now? The atmosphere for aliens in immigration proceedings has never been easy. That’s particularly true for aliens convicted of crimes. But at least in most cases, I have found that Judges, BIA Board Members, and OIL attorneys are reasonable, and do their best to follow the law. Sometimes that means deporting people who are very sympathetic; other times, it means allowing people to stay who they believe should be deported. The problem comes when we have DOJ attorneys who are more concerned with ideological ends than with due process. We saw this most clearly when Attorney General John Ashcroft purged liberal (or supposedly liberal) BIA Board Members at the beginning of the George W. Bush Administration. Perhaps we will see a similar reshuffling in the months ahead.

For fair-minded attorneys, Judges, and Board Members at DOJ, that’s a frightening prospect. Are their jobs in jeopardy? Will they be forced to take positions contrary to their conscious, or contrary to their interpretation of the law? Many immigration benefits–such as asylum–contain a discretionary element. Will the ability to exercise discretion be intolerably curtailed?

It’s still unclear whether attorneys and officers at the Department of Homeland Security will face the same potential dilemmas as their DOJ counterparts. The new Secretary for DHS will be retired Marine Corps General John Kelly, who is widely viewed as non-ideological. Under the DHS ambit are several agencies that impact immigration, including U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (“ICE”), which is basically the immigration police and prosecutors, and U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services (“USCIS”), which administers immigration benefits, including asylum. We have yet to learn who will lead these agencies, and probably the choices for those posts will have more effect on the officers and attorneys “in the trenches” than General Kelly, who is overseeing the entire agency.

Currently, DHS attorneys, Asylum Officers, and ICE officers have a fair bit of discretion in handling cases, especially cases where the alien has no criminal record. DHS attorneys often can decide whether to keep an alien detained, they can offer prosecutorial discretion, and they can decide how aggressively to pursue an individual’s deportation or whether to agree to relief. Asylum Officers also have a fair bit of discretion to determine credibility and decide on relief.

The attorneys, officers, and Judges I know at DHS and DOJ are generally intelligent, caring individuals who do their best to follow and enforce the law without inflicting undo harm on individuals and families. They are aware of their power and their responsibilities, and they take their jobs seriously. Sometimes, I disagree with them on their interpretation of the law. Sometimes, I think their approach is unnecessarily aggressive. In some cases, we evaluate the merits of a case differently. While we do not always agree, I can see that they are performing an essential function by fairly enforcing our nation’s immigration laws.

In speaking to some DOJ and DHS attorneys and officers since the recent election, I have seen a certain level of demoralization. Some people have expressed to me their desire to leave government service. While these individuals respect and follow the law–even when the results are harsh–they are not ideological. They do not hate immigrants (or non-white people, or Muslims) and they do not want to enable or contribute to a system that they fear will become overtly hostile to immigrants that President Trump considers undesirable. I suppose if I have one word of advice for such people, it is this: Stay.

If you are a government attorney or officer and you are thinking of leaving because you fear an overtly ideological Administration, you are exactly the type of person that we need to stay. As has often been the case in recent decades, an honest, competent bureaucracy is the bulwark against our sometimes extremist politics.

It’s likely that if you are a government employee who is sympathetic to non-citizens, your job will get more difficult, the atmosphere may become more hostile. It will be harder to “do the right thing” as you see it. Opportunities for promotions may become more limited. Nevertheless, I urge you to stay. We need you to help uphold the law and ensure due process for non-citizens and their families. To a large extent, our immigration system is as good or as bad as the people who administer the law. We need the good ones to stay.

The Tyranny of Unreturned Phone Calls

Aliens have a due process right to a fair hearing in Immigration Court.  At what point is that due process right violated when the alien (or her attorney) is unable to communicate with the Court or the DHS attorney?

It is a common scenario for the attorney to contact DHS counsel for a pre-trial conference.  The purpose of this communication is to narrow the issues and learn about DHS’s position in the case.  More often than not, messages left for DHS counsel are not returned.  The DHS attorneys usually have an explanation for failing to return calls—they are too busy or they are not responsible for that particular case.  But the inability to speak with government counsel prior to trial often has real-life consequences for aliens in Immigration Court.

This guy had an easier time making a phone call than most immigration attorneys.

For example, I recently had a Nepalese asylum case remanded by the BIA.  The Board found that my client had suffered past persecution based on a protected ground, and remanded the case to determine whether DHS had any evidence to rebut the presumption that my client faces a well-founded fear of future persecution.  It was pretty obvious that DHS would not rebut the presumption, and the IJ could grant asylum (the IJ said as much himself in court).  Unfortunately, several calls to DHS went unreturned, and when we got to Court, the DHS attorney was unable to state the government’s position.  The result: The case is delayed for several months so DHS can decide what to do.

We face similar problems when attempting to communicate with the Immigration Court.  A recent example of this for me was when the Court rescheduled one of my cases to a date when I was unavailable.  I promptly filed a motion to reschedule, but there was no response.  I called the Court numerous times.  Sometimes, the phone just rang with no answer.  Other times, I left messages that were not returned.  A few times, I actually spoke to someone, but those people were unable to help (they told me that the Judge had the motion but had not yet made a decision).  In the end, I had to send the client to Court without me.  The Judge was angry and blamed me.  He threatened that if I was not in Court the next time, the case would go forward without me.  In the end, he rescheduled the case.  But my inability to communicate with the Court almost caused my client to lose her right to an attorney.

The obvious solution is for DHS attorneys and court employees to return our phone calls.  But I know it is not that simple.  Case loads are oppressive, and I imagine the government workers receive many phone calls and messages.  There is very little time to return calls.  (Not to let government workers off too easy—I also receive many phone calls and have a busy schedule, but I return all my calls).

Aside from hiring more employees (not gonna happen), I am not sure how to make this better.  Perhaps there could be a dedicated email address, which we could use to communicate with the Court or DHS.  The email could be screened by an employee and priority issues could be forwarded to the appropriate party.  Or maybe there could be AILA/immigration lawyer volunteers who act as liaisons to DHS or the Court.  For the time being, though, we are left to call repeatedly and hope we reach someone.