UK Scraps DNA Testing for Asylum Seekers

A short-lived attempt by Great Britain to determine the nationality of asylum seekers was unceremoniously dumped after it became clear that the testing was of no scientific value. 

In 2009, the Brits started a (supposedly) voluntary program to test the DNA of asylum seekers from certain African countries.  The idea was to reduce fraudulent applications where the asylum seeker claimed to be from a country other than his own (for example, a Kenyan might claim to be from Somalia in order to increase the likelihood that he would receive asylum).  From the beginning, scientists such as University of Leicester’s Alec Jeffreys expressed serious doubts about whether DNA could really determine a person’s country of origin.  Said Mr. Jeffreys:

The [British] Borders Agency is clearly making huge and unwarranted assumptions about population structure in Africa; the extensive research needed to determine population structure and the ability or otherwise of DNA to pinpoint ethnic origin in this region simply has not been done. Even if it did work (which I doubt), assigning a person to a population does not establish nationality – people move! The whole proposal is naive and scientifically flawed.

Now it seems the government has ended the program and even shelved its plans to complete an internal review of the program’s efficacy. 

A second aspect of the program–isotope analysis–has also been canned.  Under this program, the government would analyze hair and nail samples to determine what chemical isotopes they contained.  The government could then (supposedly) determine where the person had recently been.  So for example, if a Somali woman had been living in Italy for the last five years, and then traveled to England to claim asylum, the government could use isotope analysis to show that the woman had not recently been to Somalia.  It is unclear how accurate this analysis is, or how many asylum seekers lie about their country of origin. 

While isotope analysis might provide limited assistance in this regard, it seems to me an easier and cheaper approach is to determine whether the person is fluent in a language from the claimed country of origin.  Of course, like isotopes and DNA, language fluency does not necessarily conform to national borders, but it is probably about as reliable–and much less expensive.

So what, then, is the lesson for us on this side of the Atlantic?  I have not heard about proposals here to use DNA testing or isotope analysis.  Given the lack of success in Great Britain, I imagine that we will not be adopting these methods anytime soon.

Asylum for Mexican HR Activist Spotlights Problems in Mexico and the US

Last week, the U.S. government granted asylum to Cipriana Jurado, a Mexican human rights activist who feared persecution by the Mexican army.  According to the Associated Press, Ms. Jurado’s “friend and long-time human rights colleague Josefina Reyes was gunned down in Juarez in January.”  Like Ms. Jurado, Ms. Reyes had campaigned against government and gang violence.  Not only was Ms. Reyes murdered–killed by unidentified gunmen–several members of her family were abducted.  Given the danger, it is not surprising that Ms. Jurado received asylum (not to minimize this accomplishment–only about 2% of asylum cases from Mexico are granted).  Ms. Jurado’s case, I think, highlights problems in the United States and Mexico caused by the escalating violence across our border. 
                                                                                                                                                                                                                 
To paraphrase Mr. Franklin: "An ounce of prevention is worth a pound of cocaine."
First in Mexico: The blatant attacks against human rights workers points to a general disregard for the rule of law.  Has the army become just another gang in the on-going turf war?  Tens of thousands of people have died as a result of drug and gang violence.  The U.S. certainly bears some of the blame, since we are the main consumers of the drugs passing through Mexico and we are the source of most of the guns used in the violence across our Southern border.  Mexico needs to get control of the situation and we need to help.  We need to do more to prevent weapons from crossing the border.  Also, it wouldn’t hurt to try something new in the “war on drugs.”  Perhaps legalizing certain drugs would help reduce the involvement of criminal gangs, and consequently reduce violence.  The website Law Enforcement Against Prohibition has some good information on the potential benefits of legalizing some controlled substances.
                                                                                                              
As for the U.S., if Northern Mexico becomes a failed state, the implications for us are pretty severe.  One fear is that increasing numbers of people will seek asylum in the United States.  The low grant rate for Mexican cases might change if–as in Ms. Jurado’s case–the persecutor is the Mexican government (as opposed to criminal gangs, who currently do most of the persecuting across the border).  This fear may be mitigated by the fact that–unlike Ms. Jurado–most people persecuted by the Mexican government will likely be involved in criminal activities and thus ineligible for asylum (though still eligible for relief under the UN Convention Against Torture). 
                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                           
It seems to me that a border enforcement-only policy would betray our ideals of protecting bona fide refugees like Ms. Jurado.  We can’t live up to our ideals simply by trying to keep people out who are fleeing persecution.  We need to work more on the prevention side of the equation.  If we succeed, we can help reduce the flow of refugees and improve the situation for our Southern neighbor. 

Senator Paul Seeks Hearing on Refugees Accused in Terror Plot

Last week, two Iraqi men were arrested in Kentucky and charged with (among other things) “conspiring to kill U.S. nationals abroad, conspiring to use explosives against U.S. nationals abroad, distributing information on the manufacture and use of IEDs, attempting to provide material support to terrorists and to al-Qaida in Iraq, and conspiring to transfer, possess and export Stinger missiles.”  According to the criminal complaints (available here and here), both men entered the United States as refugees in 2009, and have been living here ever since. 

Most refugees are not all that scary.

Given the obvious breach of security, Senator Rand Paul of Kentucky has called for hearings to determine “how the heck” these alleged terrorists got into our country.  Senator Paul also asked, “How do you get asylum when you come from a friendly government?”  The Center for Immigration Studies echoes this sentiment:

The bigger question is why are we taking refugees from Iraq at all? Resettlement to the United States should be used only as the absolute last resort for people who will surely be killed if they stay where they are and who have nowhere else — nowhere whatsoever — to go.

CIS complains that as conditions in Iraq have improved, the number of Iraqi refugees coming to the U.S. has ballooned–from 200 in the early years of our “Mesopotamian adventure” (as CIS calls it) to 18,000/year in recent years.

As to the first point, I agree that refugees coming to the U.S. pose a security challenge.  It’s possible to search a person’s criminal background in the United States and in most developed countries.  But refugees rarely come from developed countries.  DHS supposedly has ways to check a person’s background against certain databases, but again, it is not clear how these databases are created or how accurate they are.  Of course, we face these same challenges for anyone coming to the United States.  The question is, what do we do about it?

Some commentators, like Mark Krikorian at CIS, believe we should simply stop admitting refugees from Iraq (and possibly from everywhere else as well).   I suppose that would close the door to terrorists who might take advantage of our generous refugee program, but it seems like throwing out the baby with the bath water.  The fact is, there are very few examples of refugees who have committed (or been accused) of terrorism.  The idea that we should forsake all refugees (and our humanitarian obligations/ideals) because of a few bad actors is a short-sighted and cowardly response to the problem.  As a nation, we are a world leader in many areas, including the humanitarian area.  We have greatly benefited from our leadership role, and from the many refugees, asylees, and immigrants who have made our country their new home.  We should not give up our leadership or the benefits that accrue to us because we fear terrorism.  We should not let the terrorists win.

I also want to briefly address Senator Paul’s second point–that people should not receive asylum when they come from a country with a “friendly government,” like Iraq.  The law of asylum states that a person may receive asylum if he has a well-founded fear of persecution in his country.  Whether that country is friend or foe is not relevant to the law.  The law also states that a person may receive asylum if he fears persecution by a non-governmental actor, and the government is unable or unwilling to protect him.  Sometimes, governments friendly to us persecute their citizens (for example, we had a good relationship with General Pinochet, but he killed thousands of his people).  Other times, friendly governments are unable to protect their citizens, as is the case for many people fleeing the Taliban in Afghanistan or insurgents in Iraq.  Since asylum is a humanitarian relief, it should not be contingent on political alliances.  If a person meets the standards for relief, that should be enough.  

All that said, Senate hearings on security and refugees is a worthy topic.  In examining security, I hope Senator Paul keeps in mind the humanitarian nature of the refugee program, the benefits that program brings us, and the ideals that the program represents. 

Afghan Asylum Seekers in Limbo

"I'm still waiting for a decision in my asylum case."

As conditions in Afghanistan have deteriorated, I find myself representing increasing numbers of Afghan asylum seekers. Many are young men who have worked with the United States military. Others are journalists or other media types who have appeared on television in Afghanistan. Still others worked for human rights groups and women’s rights groups.

One thing that my clients have in common is that they are all trying to bring about peaceful, democratic changes to their country.  As a result of their activities, my clients faced threats from the Taliban.  A number of my clients were attacked, and some had close relatives killed by the Taliban.  Because the Afghan government cannot (and in some cases will not) protect them, my clients are seeking asylum in the U.S.

Another thing my Afghan clients have in common is that their cases are being held up for “security” checks.  I’ll explain below why I put the word security in quotation marks.

But first, a bit of background: The majority of aliens who file affirmative asylum cases receive a decision two weeks after their interview.  Apparently, cases with Afghan asylum seekers are reviewed by headquarters.  This takes a lot longer than two weeks.  So far this year, I have been to 11 asylum interviews: five from Afghanistan, six from other countries (five from Ethiopia and one from Iran).  All five of the Afghan cases are still pending.  Of the other six, we have decisions in all cases except one (the Iranian case).  In my longest-pending Afghan asylum case, the applicant was interviewed more than seven months ago; we are still waiting for a decision.

According to an Asylum Officer I spoke to, the reason for the delay has to do with “security.”  Obviously, there are legitimate concerns about people coming from Afghanistan and seeking asylum in the U.S.  But there are several reasons why I am skeptical about these “security” checks.  For one, many of my Afghan clients worked closely with the U.S. military, and they have letters, certificates, and photos (often with high-ranking military and civilian officials, including some who were photographed with President Bush) to prove it.  Such individuals have already been subject to some pretty serious scrutiny, so it is not clear what additional checks are necessary.  Second, all the Afghan asylum seekers were screened for security issues in Afghanistan before they received their U.S. visas.  Since nothing suspicious was found in Afghanistan, it seems unlikely (at best) that anything would turn up during an additional security background check in the United States.  Finally, my clients are currently in the United States.  If they are dangerous, they should not be walking freely around our country for six months (or more) while USCIS checks to see whether they pose a security risk.  If USCIS believed that a particular asylum seeker presented a threat, I image (and I hope) that they would detain the person immediately.

A number of my clients have family members in Afghanistan who are hoping to join their relative in the United States if asylum is approved.  Some of these people are living in precarious circumstances and face threats from the Taliban.  It is frustrating and frightening for my clients and their family members when they have no idea how long until they will receive a decision.  It is not fair to keep people waiting in limbo.  I hope that USCIS will consider improving the processing time for Afghan cases.  If they cannot do that, I hope they will at least provide an estimate to the asylum seekers about how long a decision will take.  Treating asylum seekers with respect and dignity means processing cases as quickly as possible and being as open about the waiting time as circumstances allow.